ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


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MAP  OF  THE  LAND  OF  OHET. 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS 


BY 


E.  VIOLLET-LE-DUC. 


TRANSLATED  BY  BENJAMIN  BUCKNALL, 

ARCHITECT. 


BOSTON: 

JAMES  R.  OSGOOD  AND  COMPANY, 

Late  Ticknor  & Fields,  and  Fields,  Osgood,  & Co. 

1876. 


University  Press  : Welch,  Bigelow,  & Co., 
Cambridge. 


TRANSLATOR’S  NOTE. 


The  Fortress  whose  transmutations  during  successive 
ages  are  so  vividly  described  in  the  following  pages  is 
an  ideal  one  ; its  supposed  situation  is  on  the  Cousin,  an 
affluent  of  the  Saône.  The  practical  genius  of  the  author 
indicates  the  position  which,  in  view  of  the  new  eastern 
frontier,  should  be  fortified  in  order  to  command  the 
Saône. 

To  his  unrivalled  talent  as  an  architect,  Monsieur 
Viollet-le-Duc  adds  the  highest  qualifications  of  the 
military  engineer.  In  this  branch  of  applied  science  he 
is  a recognised  authority  ; and  it  may  not  be  out  of 
place  to  notice  here  that  he  was  frequently  consulted  by 
the  late  Emperor  respecting  the  permanent  defences  of 
the  country.  It  is  not  too  much  to  assert  that  if  his 
recommendations  had  been  carried  out  the  investment  of 
Paris  would  have  been  rendered  impossible,  whilst  the 
progress  of  the  German  invasion  elsewhere  would  have 
been  attended  with  greater  difficulties.  As  colonel  of 
engineers,  no  officer  displayed  greater  energy,  skill,  or 
bravery,  in  the  defence  of  the  city  ; and  every  operation 
planned  and  directed  by  him  during  the  siege  was  suc- 
cessful. Within  two  or  three  days  after  the  signing  of 


VI 


TRANSLATOR’S  NOTE. 


the  armistice,  the  Germans  had  done  their  utmost  to 
destroy  all  evidences  of  their  works  of  investment. 
Nothing,  however,  had  escaped  the  vigilant  eye  of 
M.  Viollet-le-Duc.  In  that  brief  space  of  time  he  had 
surveyed  and  accurately  noted  all  these  workb  of  invest- 
ment ; plans  and  descriptions  of  which  are  given  in  his 
interesting  memoir  of  the  siege.  Upon  the  outbreak  of 
the  Commune,  he  was  solicited  by  its  chiefs  to  take  the 
military  command  ; and  had  he  not  made  a timely  escape 
would  probably  have  paid  the  penalty  of  his  life  for 
refusing  that  questionable  honour.  From  his  retreat 
at  Pierrefonds  he  was  recalled  by  General  MacMahon, 
to  assist  the  Versailles  troops  in  re-entering  Paris.  It  is 
deserving  of  mention  that  in  his  absence  a devoted  band 
of  craftsmen  thrice  gallantly  defended  his  house  from 
being  burnt  and  pillaged. 

In  presenting  the  Histoire  d'une  Forteresse  in  an  English 
form,  the  translator  has  considered  it  impossible  to  do 
justice  to  the  original  without  adhering  to  its  archaic 
style  and  manner  ; and  aware  that  a translation  must 
lose  something  either  in  point  of  sense  or  style,  his 
chief  aim  has  been  to  give  a faithful  rendering  of  the 
sense. 

Benjamin  Bucknall, 

A rckitect. 


Oystermouth,  Swansea, 
February  n,  1875. 


CONTENTS. 


THE  FIRST  RETREAT 

CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

, . . • I 

CHAPTER  II. 

1 1 

THE  FIRST  SIEGE 

CHAPTER  III. 

26 

CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  COST  OF  DEFENDERS 65 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE  . 

CHAPTER  V. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  PERMANENT  CAMP — FOUNDATION  OF  A CITÉ 


90 


viü 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PAGB 

THE  FORTIFIED  CITÉ 97 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  THIRD  SIEGE  I08 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE 1 57 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE  FOURTH  SIEGE 178 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  FIRST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY 22Ô 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  FIFTH  SIEGE 239 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE  CITÉ  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED  BY  ERRARD  DE 
BAR-LE-DUC,  ENGINEER  TO  THE  MOST  CHRISTIAN  KING 
OF  FRANCE  AND  NAVARRE 275 

CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE 


282 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


CHAPTER  XV 

TAGS 

THE  TOWN  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED  BY  M.  DE  VAUBAN  304 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE 315 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

conclusion 354 

EXPLANATION  OF  SOME  OF  THE  TECHNICAL  TERMS  USED 

IN  THTS  BOOK 385 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


FIG.  TAGB 

1.  map  OF  THE  LAND  OF  OHET Frontispiece. 

THE  sapper ....  Vignette. 

2.  THE  OPPIDUM 14 

3.  RAMPART  OF  THE  OPPIDUM  ...  1 5 

4.  GATES  OF  THE  OPPIDUM 1 6 

5.  THE  NÉMÈDE  AND  THE  DRUIDS’  DWELLINGS 1 6 

% 

FIRST  SIEGE.— SIGILD  AND  TOMAR 32 


6.  „ „ WOODEN  TOWERS  OF  THE  OPPIDUM  ...  35 

7.  „ „ ADVANCED  WORK  OF  THE  OPPIDUM  ...  46 


8.  „ „ ASSAULT  ON  THE  OPPIDUM 55 

9.  THE  TOWN  AND  CITE  D’AVON  (WAR  OF  THE  GAULS)  . . 70 

10.  SECOND  SIEGE.— THE  ROMAN  ‘AGGER’  AND  ‘VINEÆ*  . . 79 

11.  „ „ A STIMULUS 80 

12.  „ „ THE  MOVABLE  TOWER 82 

13.  „ „ ATTACK  ON  THE  STRONGHOLD  OF  THE 

OPPIDUM 86 

14.  THE  ROMAN  PERMANENT  CAMP 9 1 

15.  GATES  OF  THE  CAMP 93 

16.  THE  GALLO-ROMAN  TOWN.  CITY  JULIANA  . (to face)  99 


Xll 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


FIG. 


1‘AGH] 


17. 

SECTION  OF  THE  RAMPART  WALL 

I03 

18. 

PLANS 

OF  THE 

NORTH  GATE  

104 

19- 

VIEW  OF  THE  NORTH  GATE 

I05 

20. 

GENERAL  VIEW 

OF  THE  GREAT  SOUTHERN  TETE  DE  PONT 

I06 

21. 

THIRD 

SIEGE.— 

-THE  AGGER 

123 

22. 

a 

a 

WORK  BEFORE  THE  EAST  GATE  .... 

124 

23- 

a 

a 

THE  ‘VALLUM’ 

125 

24. 

a 

11 

THE  NORTHERN  SALIENT 

126 

25. 

if 

» 

BURNING  OF  THE  WOODEN  BRIDGE  . . . 

128 

26. 

a 

n 

THE  ATTACK — THE  MOVABLE  BRIDGE  IN- 

TENDED FOR  CROSSING  THE  SMALL 

<VRM  OF  THE  RIVER  ABONIA  .... 

I3I 

27. 

a 

11 

THE  AGGER  

139 

28. 

a 

V) 

THE  ONAGER  BATTERY  

I4I 

29. 

if 

5) 

THE  MINE  AND  COUNTER  MINE  .... 

142 

30- 

n 

a 

THE  BREACH  MINE 

145 

3i* 

11 

>f 

DEFENCE  OF  THE  BREACH  

146 

32, 

« 

a 

THE  BREACH  OCCUPIED  BY  THE  ASSAILANTS 

147 

33* 

a 

f) 

MINING  BENEATH  THE  NORTH-WEST 

CORNER  TOWER  

I5I 

34» 

,i 

it 

MINING  BENEATH  THE  NORTHERN  RAM- 

PART WALL 

153 

35.  THE  OLD  CASTLE  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT 1 67 

36.  THE  CASTLE  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT  OF  THE  TWELFTH 


CENTURY [to  face) 


l68 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS . 


Xlll 


FIG 

37.  bird’s-eye  view  of  the  castle  of  la  roche-pont  . 


CO 

BRETÈCHE  OF 

THE  BRIDGE 

39- 

FOURTH 

SIEGE 

. — THE  BURGUNDIAN  INTRENCHMENT  OF 

CONTRAVALLATION  . . . . 

40. 

it 

tt 

NIGHT  SORTIE  OF  THE  GARRISON 

OF  THE 

CASTLE  

{to  face) 

41. 

n 

tt 

THE  BESIEGERS  GET  POSSESSION 

OF  THE 

BARBICAN 

42. 

ff 

tt 

THE  CAT 

43- 

» 

tt 

THE  BOSSON 

{to  face) 

44. 

tt 

tt 

THE  BREACH  AND  THE  BURNING  OF  THE 

NORTH  GATE  

45- 

tt 

it 

THE  TAKING  OF  THE  BAILEY 

{to  face) 

46. 

tt 

it 

THE  SMALL  BOSSON 

47. 

tt 

11 

THE  MOVABLE  TOWER  . . . 

{to  face) 

48.  THE  TOWN  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED  BY  CHARLES 

THE  BOLD  . . . . 

49.  BIRD’S-EYE  VIEW  OF  THE  NORTHERN  BOULEVARD  AND 

FRONT  

50.  MASONRY  TOWER  FOR  ARTILLERY 

51.  BIRD’S-EYE  VIEW  OF  BOULEVARD  AND  RAMPARTS  . . . 

52.  TÊTE  DE  PONT  AND  CAVALIER 

53.  FIFTH  SIEGE. — ATTACK  ON  THE  NORTHERN  BOULEVARD  . 

54-  >,  „ DEFENCE  OF  THE  NORTHERN  BOULEVARD 

55*  „ „ ASSAULT  ON  THE  BOULEVARD 

56.  „ „ ATTACK  OF  THE  OLD  FRONT  . ( to  face) 


172 

184 

185 
187 

I9I 

193 

197 

199 

210 

212 

222 

228 

230 

231 
233 
237 
243 
249 
253 
255 


XIV 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


FIG. 

57- 


58. 

59- 

60. 

61. 

62. 

63- 

64. 

65- 

66. 

67. 

68. 

69. 

70. 

71. 

72. 
73- 

74. 

7:. 


FIFTH  SIEGE. — THE  OLD  NORTH  GATE  BATTERED  BY  FIRE 

ARTILLERY 

„ „ TAKING  OF  AN  ARTILLERY  TOWER  {to  face) 

THE  BASTIONS  OF  ERRARD  DE  LE  BAR-LE-DUC  . . . , 

THE  NORTH  WORK 

ONE  OF  THE  BASTIONS 

SIXTH  SIEGE.— GALAS’  WORKS  OF  APPROACH 

„ „ THE  ATTACK  ON  ONE  OF  THE  BESIEGERS’ 

PLACE  D’ARMES {to  face) 

„ „ FORCIA’S  PLAN  OF  SIEGE 

VAUBAN’S  DEFENCES  . 

vauban’s  outwork  

SECTIONS  OF  THE  OUTWORK  

TRACE  OF  THE  OUTWORK  . . 

REVÊTEMENT  OF  THE  BASTIONS  

SEVENTH  SIEGE. — THE  THEORETICAL  ATTACK  OF  VAUBAN’S 

work {to  face ) 

„ „ THE  THIRD  PARALLEL  AND  THE  CROWN- 

ING OF  THE  COUVERT  WAY  {to  face) 
„ „ CAPTAIN  ALLAUD’S  ADVANCED  WORK  . 

„ „ SECTIONS  AND  INTERIOR  VIEW  OF  THE 

WORK 

„ „ CAPTAIN  ALLAUD’S  CRÉMAILLÈRE  WORK 

„ „ ATTACK  ON  THE  WORKS  OF  COUNTER- 
APPROACH   


256 
266 
2 77 

279 

280 

289 

290 
298 
305 
307 
309 
3*1 
313 

337 

338 
341 

347 

341 

347 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS . xv 

FIG.  FACH 

76.  ILLUSTRATIONS  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  ATTACH  AND 

DEFENCE 358 

77.  DITTO .358 

78.  DITTO 359 

79.  APPLICATION  OF  THE  PRINCIPLE  : “ WHAT  DEFENDS 

SHOULD  ITSELF  BE  DEFENDED  n 361 

80.  ILLUSTRATION  OF  THE  ALTERED  CONDITIONS  NECESSI- 

TATED BY  ARTILLERY  OF  LONG  RANGE 362 

8f.  PLAN  OF  FORTRESS  SHOWING  HOW  THOSE  CONDITIONS 

ARE  MET 364 

82.  BLOCK  PLAN  OF  THE  DETACHED  FORTS 365 

83.  THEORETICAL  PLAN  OF  A MODERN  FORTRESS 366 

84.  EMPLOYMENT  OF  THE  POLYGONAL  SYSTEM.  DETACHED 

FORTS 372 


85.  DEFENSIVE  SYSTEM  OF  GREAT  INTRENCHED  CAMP  . . 


375 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


“Je  sçais  bien  qu’il  faut  perdre,  qu’il  faut  gaigner,  et  n’y  a 
rien  d’imprenable  ; mais  desirez  cent  mil  fois  plustost  la  mort  si 
tous  moyens  ne  vous  deffaillent,  que  dire  ce  méchant  et  vilain  mot  : 
‘Je  la  rends.’” — Comment,  de  Montluc. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FIRST  RETREAT. 

Many  winters,  as  we  are  told  by  the  old  men  of  the  dis- 
trict, have  passed  since  human  beings  first  settled  in  the 
land  of  Ohet,  a somewhat  extensive  valley  of  varying 
breadth,  traversed  by  a winding  stream  running  south- 
ward till  it  flows  into  a great  river. 

The  sides  of  the  valley  present  a series  of  hills  of 
moderate  height,  descending  by  gentle  slopes  where  it 
widens,  and  more  abruptly  where  it  narrows.  On  the 
steeper  hill-sides  grey  crags  jut  out,  and  the  ground  is 
strewn  with  fragments  of  rock.  Ascending  the  stream  for 
some  three  hours’  walk  from  the  point  where  it  joins  the 
great  river,  we  find  on  the  right  another  stream  separat- 
ing into  several  small  branches  in  a more  elevated  val- 
ley. In  summer,  some  of  these  branches  dry  up,  others 
form  pools,  whose  banks  are  covered  with  reeds  and  water- 
lilies.  The  inhabitants  of  the  vale  dread  this  valley,  which 
they  believe  to  be  haunted  by  evil  spirits.  It  is  dangerous 

B 


2 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


to  wander  there,  because  of  the  number  of  bogs  covered 
over  with  leaves  and  decaying  branches  in  which  the  un- 
wary sink.  The  forest  in  this  valley  is  so  dense,  the  plants 
and  bushes  are  so  thickly  interlaced  with  the  trunks  and 
branches  of  dead  trees,  that  the  rays  of  the  sun  hardly 
penetrate  through  it,  and  only  illuminate  pools  of  water 
covered  with  a mantle  of  green.  A kind  of  promontory 
divides  the  two  water-courses  at  this  point  (Frontispiece 
— Fig.  i)  ; — the  river  running  from  the  north-west,  and 
the  smaller  stream  from  the  north-north-east.  This  ele- 
vated part  of  the  country  is  covered  with  thick  woods, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  seldom  go  there  except 
to  hunt  the  wild  ox,  the  boar,  the  wolf,  and  the  deer. 
Beyond,  the  country  seems  a wilderness  ; and  strangers 
who  occasionally  visit  the  inhabitants  of  the  vale  to  ex- 
change amber,  copper,  gold,  salt,  and  coarse  woollen  or 
hempen  fabrics  for  skins  of  beasts,  never  come  except  by 
the  way  where  flows  the  great  river.  The  occupants  live 
in  families,  in  the  open  spaces  amid  the  woods  and  on 
the  banks  of  the  rivers,  inhabiting  conical  huts,  made  with 
stakes  set  in  the  ground,  joined  at  the  top,  and  covered 
with  branches,  earth,  and  rushes.  The  father  of  the  family 
occupies  one  of  these  huts  with  his  wife  and  children,  and 
as  his  sons  grow  up,  they  build  another  cabin  and  take  a 
companion.. 

The  products  of  the  chase  and  fishing,  with  the  wild 
roots  which  they  dry  and  crush  between  stones,  are  their 
only  means  of  subsistence  ; they  do  not  till  the  soil,  nor 
have  they  any  flocks  or  herds.  Our  informants  add  that 
they  never  had  to  fight  men  like  themselves,  and  that 
if  any  disputes  arise  between  the  families,  they  call 
together  the  oldest  chiefs  of  the  other  families  to  arbi- 
trate between  them.  Those  who  are  unwilling  to  submit 
to  their  judgment  are  banished  from  the  valley,  together 


THE  FIRST  RETREAT. 


3 


with  their  families  ; they  descend  the  shores  of  the  great 
river,  and  are  no  more  heard  of. 

When  these  old  men  are  further  asked  whether  there 
were  other  human  beings  before  them  settled  in  the  valley, 
they  answer  that  there  were  ; but  that  they  were  small 
men — dwarfs — who  ate  earth,  and  had  no  bows  and  arrows 
to  kill  the  wild  beasts,  nor  hooks  to  catch  fish,  nor  canoes 
to  cross  the  river  ; that  at  the  approach  of  the  present 
inhabitants,  these  dwarfs  disappeared,  and  took  refuge 
underground,  whence  they  came  out  sometimes  in  the 
night  to  do  mischief — to  cut  the  fastenings  of  boats,  or 
sink  the  boats  themselves  — to  cause  children  at  the 
breast  to  die,  or  to  break  the  bows,  or  warn  the  animals 
of  the  forest  of  an  intended  chase,  so  that  they  might  get 
out  of  the  way. 

For  some  time  a report  has  been  current — brought  by 
strangers  who  have  found  their  way  along  the  river  into 
the  valley — that  an  alien  race  of  great  stature  and  strength, 
with  fair  hair,  and  mounted  on  horses,  have  already  over- 
spread the  neighbouring  countries,  driving  away  their  in- 
habitants, or  killing  those  who  do  not  fly  at  their  approach  ; 
speaking  an  unknown  tongue,  and  undertaking  nothing 
without  first  deliberating  in  great  numbers,  and  consulting 
the  elders  and  women,  sparing  none  but  children,  and 
employing  these  in  labours  of  all  kinds.  This  news  has 
spread  great  consternation  in  the  valley  ; the  chiefs  of  the 
families  meet  together,  and  determine  to  watch  by  turns 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  ; young  men  posted  at  regular 
intervals  are  to  give  warning,  by  loud  cries,  of  the  arrival 
of  the  fair-haired  people,  so  that  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  valley  may  be  quickly  warned,  and  take  refuge 
with  their  families  in  the  woods  situated  on  the  promon- 
tory which  divides  the  river  from  the  smaller  stream  at 
their  confluence  ; lastly,  each  is  to  furnish  himself  with 


B 2 


4 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


provisions  such  as  will  be  sufficient  for  a hunting  expedi- 
tion of  several  days  ; and  then  they  will  consult  as  to 
what  course  shall  be  adopted. 

Meantime,  the  elders  of  the  people  take  counsel.  They 
decide  that  at  the  first  cry  of  alarm,  and  while  the  invaders 
are  entering  the  valley  by  one  of  the  banks,  all  the  inhabit- 
ants of  that  side  shall  cross  in  the  boats  to  the  opposite 
side  shore,  in  order  to  unite  with  those  who  inhabit  that  side, 
and  that  all  together  they  shall  hasten  to  bring  their  cargoes 
to  the  point  where  the  valley  divides,  so  as  to  moor  the 
boats  below  the  promontory  on  the  left  bank  above  the 
mouth  of  the  stream  ; that  the  women,  children,  and  old 
men  shall  take  refuge  on  the  promontory,  so  that  the  able- 
bodied,  thus  separated  from  the  fair-haired  men  by  the 
river  and  the  rivulet,  will  be  able  to  deliberate  whether  they 
should  use  their  bows  or  fly  to  the  forest  above.  Some 
days  after,  just  when  the  sun  is  beginning  to  decline,  the 
valley  resounds  with  the  cry  of  alarm,  a hundred  times 
repeated,  announcing  that  the  fair-haired  people  are  ad- 
vancing and  entering  the  valley  on  the  western  side. 

Immediately  the  whole  country — silent  but  a few 
minutes  before — begins  to  be  filled  with  a continued 
hum  ; most  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  right  hasten  in  their 
boats  to  the  left  bank  ; but  some,  either  through  negligence, 
or  because  they  have  been  away  from  their  dwellings, 
cannot  follow  the  advice  of  the  elders. 

In  the  meantime,  the  invaders  advance  with  caution  : 
first,  a detachment  mounted  on  horses  are  seen  riding 
round  the  woods,  assembling  in  the  openings,  and  appear- 
ing to  deliberate  before  going  further.  A body  of  them 
have  captured  some  unhappy  loiterers  among  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  valley,  who,  fastened  with  cords,  are  driven 
onwards  by  their  captors,  and  closely  interrogated,  but 
they  do  not  understand  what  is  said  to  them. 


THE  FIRST  RETREAT. 


5 


In  a little  while,  at  every  visible  point  in  the  direction  of 
the  river,  the  valley  appears  dotted  with  men  on  foot  and 
on  horseback,  and  with  chariots  ; and  every  now  and  then 
shouts  arise.  The  sun  sinks  upon  the  horizon,  but  the 
shouting  continues  to  be  heard,  and  the  columns  of  smoke 
ascend  from  all  sides  ; night  comes,  the  valley  appears  lit 
up  with  fires,  and  silence  gradually  supervenes. 

Assembled  at  the  foot  of  the  promontory,  along  the 
banks  of  the  two  streams,  the  men  of  the  land  of  Ohet 
have  concealed  their  boats  among  the  bulrushes  ; they 
have  sent  up  the  women,  the  children,  and  the  aged  to  the 
plateau  ; they  dare  not  light  any  fires,  lest  they  should  at- 
tract the  attention  of  the  invaders.  The  night  is  spent  in 
fruitless  deliberation  ; some  bold  young  hunters  propose  to 
take  advantage  of  the  sleep  of  the  fair-haired  people  to 
cross  the  river  and  fall  upon  them  as  they  would  upon  wild 
beasts,  and  to  kill  them  all  with  their  stone  hatchets  ; but 
the  chiefs  of  the  families  consider  that  they  are  too  few  in 
number  for  the  execution  of  any  such  design  ; they  urge 
that  this  body  of  invaders  is  perhaps  followed  by  others, 
that  they  have  horses  and  can  easily  escape,  that  they  ap- 
pear to  be  tall  and  strong;  and,  moreover,  that  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  killed  the  inhabitants  they  met  with,  as  the 
strangers  had  reported. 

At  break  of  day  the  valley  echoes  with  unusual  sounds, 
such  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  Ohet  had  never 
heard  before.  It  is  not  the  shouting  of  men,  nor  the  songs 
of  women,  nor  the  bellowing  of  wild  bulls.  These  noises 
spread  terror  among  the  fugitives.  They  all  abandon  the 
boats  and  climb  the  promontory  ; there,  in  the  woods, 
they  can  see  through  the  trees  what  is  taking  place  in 
the  valley.  They  soon  perceive  a numerous  body  of 
men  on  the  opposite  side,  not  far  from  the  river.  Some 
canoes  which  had  been  forgotten  are  being  guided 


6 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


up  the  stream  by  the  invaders.  They  go  through 
the  rushes,  unfasten  the  boats,  and  draw  them  up 
with  loud  cries  on  the  shore  opposite  the  promontory. 
These  cries  are  answered  from  other  quarters,  and  the 
whole  body  rush  to  the  shore.  But  at  this  juncture  the 
chiefs  seem  to  interfere  ; they  parley  for  some  time,  and 
appear  to  threaten  those  who  are  impatient  to  get  into  the 
boats,  often  pointing  to  the  plateau  above.  The  main  body 
retire  again  from  the  shore,  and  a dozen  men  only  get  into 
two  boats,  which  make  for  the  opposite  bank  at  the  foot  of 
the  promontory.  With  them  are  two  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  land  of  Ohet,  tied  by  the  neck  with  leathern  thongs. 
They  land  together,  put  the  captives  before  them,  and  as- 
cend to  the  plateau.  The  twelve  fair-haired  men  are  armed 
with  sticks,  terminated  by  a long,  bright,  metal  point. 
Some  hold  bows  in  their  hands,  with  the  arrows  in 
place.  They  are  dressed  in  short  tunics  of  ornamented 
stuffs,  their  arms  bare,  and  their  legs  up  to  the  knee  bound 
round  with  leathern  thongs,  to  which  are  fastened  covered 
sandals.  About  their  loins  is  a belt  of  skin,  to  which  is 
suspended  a bag,  also  of  skin,  with  the  hair  of  the  animal 
preserved,  two  knives — one  long,  the  other  very  short — and 
a hatchet,  the  blade  of  which  is  of  bronze  ; their  necks  and 
wrists  are  adorned  with  strings  of  large  glass  beads,  or  with 
circlets  of  metal.  Many  have  their  hair  fastened  oh  the 
top  of  their  heads,  with  large  pins  of  bone  or  bronze  ; 
others  have  their  hair  divided  into  long  tresses.  Their 
beards  have  been  carefully  removed,  while  their  mou- 
staches reach  down  to  their  breasts.  Their  aspect  is 
terrible,  for  they  are  tall  ; their  light  blue  eyes,  inclosed 
by  black  lines,  sparkle  like  diamonds  beneath  bushy 
brows  dyed  of  a brilliant  red. 

Approaching  to  within  fifty  paces  of  the  brow  of  the 
promontory,  where  the  ground  is  somewhat  clear,  they  stop, 


THE  FIRST  RE  TREA  T. 


7 


and  one  of  the  captives  speaks  thus:  “The  fair-haired 
people  have  captured  several  of  us  ; they  have  done  us 
no  harm  ; they  have  not  burned  our  huts,  nor  killed  the 
women  and  children.  They  wish  to  live  in  peace  with  us 
always,  on  the  same  ground.  They  will  not  hinder  us 
from  hunting  or  fishing,  or  from  remaining  with  our  wives 
and  children.  They  say  that  the  land  is  good,  and  can 
support  a much  greater  number  of  inhabitants  than  it  does 
now.  They  bring  an  abundance  of  things  useful  to  man. 
They  teach  youths  to  ride,  and  to  use  arms  against  evil 
men.  They  say  in  fine  that  we  have  nothing  to  fear,  and 
that  you  may  return  to  your  dwellings. 

“I  am  told  all  this  by  one  of  their  people  who  speaks 
as  we  do,  and  who  once  lived  in  our  valley,  from  which 
he  was  banished.  They  also  say  that  if  you  will  not 
return  to  your  homes  and  live  in  peace  with  them, 
they  will  kill  us  all  like  wild  beasts,  for  they  are  both 
numerous  and  strong.  They  will  await  your  answer  here 
until  the  sun  reaches  the  middle  of  its  daily  course.  This 
is  all  we  have  to  say.” 

Several  of  the  elders  of  the  valley  then  came  out  of  the 
wood  and  advanced  towards  the  captives  ; but  the  party 
of  fair-haired  men  made  signs  to  them  to  come  no  farther,, 
and  fitted  their  arrows  to  the  strings  of  their  bows.  The 
captive  who  had  already  spoken,  again  addressed  them  : 
“ Do  not  come  any  nearer  ; deliberate  among  yourselves, 
and  give  an  answer  quickly.  This  is  all  we  have  to  say.” 

The  old  men  thereupon  assembled,  and  having  cut 
some  branches  of  trees  on  which  they  seated  themselves, 
one  of  them  spoke  thus  : “ These  fair-haired  people  with 
painted  faces  are  more  numerous  than  we  ; they  have 
murderous  weapons,  and  horses,  and  are  brave  ; we  are 
not  able  to  drive  them  out  of  the  valley  ; if  they  desire 
to  live  with  us  in  peace,  as  they  say  they  do,  why  net 


8 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


consider  them  as  friends  ? Is  it  to  their  advantage  to 
kill  us?  No.  They  possess  many  things  which  we  have 
not,  and  are  provided  with  what  they  need.  Have  you 
not  observed  the  flocks  and  herds,  the  loaded  waggons, 
and  the  women  and  children  that  accompany  them  ? 
They  are  not  empty-handed  robbers.  Let  us  accept  the 
conditions  they  offer  us.” 

One  of  the  hunters,  among  the  bravest  in  the  valley, 
then  rose  and  spoke  in  his  turn  : Why  do  these  people 

with  painted  faces  come  into  our  valley  ? It  is  to  take 
possession  of  it  and  drive  us  away.  They  are  strangers 
to  us,  and  we  have  never  done  them  any  harm.  Why  do 
they  not  remain  where  they  were  born  ? Will  there  be  fish 
enough  in  the  river  and  enough  wild  animals  in  the  forest 
to  feed  them  and  us  ? They  will  take  all  and  leave  us 
nothing.  Fighting  against  them  is  impossible,  it  is  true 
— but  we  can  fly.  There  are  other  valleys  and  other 
rivers  not  far  off.  Let  us  take  our  wives  and  children 
with  us  ; I know  the  woods  as  far  as  three  days’  journey. 
Let  us  leave  our  huts  and  our  boats,  and  go  and  settle 
far  away  from  these  strangers.”  After  the  utterance  of 
these  contrary  opinions  a hundred  voices  were  raised  ; 
some  supporting  the  advice  of  the  old  man,  others  that 
of  the  hunter. 

A few  young  men  even  wished  to  fall  upon  the  little 
troop  of  strangers  and  massacre  them. 

Some  of  the  most  venerated  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Val  d’Ohet  tried  more  than  once  to  impose  silence  and 
make  themselves  heard,  but  the  tumult  continuing  to  in- 
crease, the  assembly  was  broken  up  into  groups,  and  the 
women  began  to  cry  out  and  lament  and  the  children  to 
weep.  Meanwhile  the  little  party  of  fair-haired  men  had 
begun  to  cut  some  bushes  and  briars  and  to  make  a 
rampart  with  them. 


THE  FIRST  RETREAT. 


9 


Not  long  afterwards  twelve  boats  crossed  the  river,  and 
sixty  of  the  strangers  came  and  joined  the  first  twelve 
These  were  bearing  twelve  oval  shields  of  wicker  work 
covered  with  skin.  They  set  up  these  shields  by  means 
of  stakes  driven  in  the  ground,  and  placed  themselves 
behind  them  ; only  their  heads  painted  red  and  blue  and 
their  sparkling  eyes  remained  visible.  They  were  laugh- 
ing together  loudly. 

Midday  was  at  hand,  and  confusion  continued  to  pre- 
vail among  the  fugitives.  Then  were  heard  again  those 
strange  sounds  which  had  so  much  alarmed  the  unhappy 
inhabitants  of  Ohet  at  dawn  ; and  the  shore  opposite 
to  the  promontory  was  covered  with  a multitude  of  fair- 
haired men  in  several  detachments,  all  armed.  They 
began  to  cross  the  river,  and  to  seat  themselves  in  a line 
on  the  shore  beneath  the  plateau.  Then  the  captive  who 
had  already  spoken  advanced  alone  toward  the  forest, 
and  when  he  was  within  hearing,  said:  “My  friends,  my 
brethren,  you  are  going  to  be  attacked  : and  we  are  to  be 
killed  before  your  eyes.  Have  pity  on  yourselves — have 
pity  on  us  ; come  down  to  the  fair-haired  men  ; they  will 
do  you  no  sort  of  harm  ; they  have  respected  your  houses 
and  the  women  that  have  fallen  into  their  hands.  Do 
not  hope  to  defend  yourselves,  for  they  will  kill  you  with 
their  keen  weapons  ! ” At  this  last  appeal  the  fugitives 
became  silent,  and  one  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley, 
who  had  remained  since  the  morning  without  speaking  a 
word,  rose  up.  He  was  a short,  robust  man,  of  dark 
complexion  and  crisp  hair  ; he  was  well  known  as  a 
skilful  carpenter,  and  the  best  boats  were  his  handywork. 
“ There  is  no  more  time  for  discussion,”  said  he.  “ Let 
those  who  wish  to  stay  in  the  valley  come  out  from  the 
wood,  and  let  the  rest  hide  themselves  as  quickly  as 
possible  in  the  forest.  They  will  be  able  to  fly  with  their 


ro  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 

families  ; for  the  strangers  do  not  know  how  many  we 
are.  As  for  myself,  I remain  where  I was  born.”  A 
great  number  assembled  round  the  carpenter  with  accla- 
mations, accompanied  by  their  wives  and  children  ; and 
all  together  without  a moment’s  delay  showed  themselves 
to  the  troop  of  strangers.  “We  will  return  to  our  dwell- 
ings,” was  all  the  carpenter  said  to  the  captive  interpreter, 
and  then  they  advanced  towards  the  little  camp. 

Many  had  bows  and  stone  hatchets.  “ Throw  down 
your  arms,”  said  the  captive  ; “ throw  down  your  arms, 
you  have  no  need  of  them.”  The  invaders  who  had 
taken  up  their  position  on  the  shore,  dividing  into  two 
bodies,  were  rapidly  climbing  the  sides  of  the  promontory, 
to  the  right  and  left  ; so  that  in  a few  minutes  the  car- 
penter and  his  companions  were  surrounded  by  an  innu- 
merable crowd,  which  penetrating  the  mass  of  the  fugitives, 
separated  them  into  small  parties  and  took  possession  of 
the  few  weapons  which  had  been  retained  by  some  of 
their  number. 

The  strangers  laughed,  skipped,  and  leaned  their  brows 
on  the  breasts  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  in  token 
of  good  will.  Thus  some  hundreds  of  the  natives  went 
down  towards  the  river  surrounded  by  their  new  guests. 
They  were  compelled  to  get  into  the  boats,  and  they  went 
back  to  their  houses,  which  had  been  completely  pillaged. 
Many  of  the  huts  remained  vacant,  and  the  new-comers 
took  possession  of  them,  without  troubling  themselves 
much  respecting  the  inhabitants  and  what  had  become 
of  them. 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  OPPIDUM. 

Two  centuries  later,  the  land  of  Ohet  had  assumed  a 
new  aspect,  and  its  name  was  changed.  It  was  then 
called  the  Valley  of  Avon. 

Beautiful  fields,  affording  pasture  to  flocks  and  herds, 
carpeted  the  slopes  of  the  bordering  hill  ; while  in  the  vale 
below  ripened  harvests  of  barley  and  rye.  The  uplands 
were  still  covered  with  forest,  and  on  all  sides  wooden 
houses  peeped  out  from  the  meadows,  with  their  inclosures 
of  palisades  painted  in  lively  colours. 

The  marshes  of  the  rivulet  were  drained,  and  at  the 
summit  of  the  promontory  was  to  be  seen  cutting  the 
sky  the  talus  of  an  Oppidum  which  commanded  the  valley 
and  the  two  streams.  Its  origin  was  as  follows  : — 

Not  long  after  the  invasion  of  the  fair-haired  people, 
the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  who  had  fled  into  the  woods 
had  re-appeared,  accompanied  by  a great  multitude  of 
men  of  the  same  race,  and  at  dawn  had  fallen  with  great 
violence  and  loud  cries  upon  the  strangers. 

The  latter,  not  expecting  an  attack,  defended  them- 
selves as  best  they  could  ; but  the  younger  and  more 
active  among  them  assembled  on  the  promontory,  where 
they  waited  until  night.  Then  they  descended  noiselessly, 
crossed  the  stream,  and  fell  in  their  turn  upon  the  men 
of  the  ancient  race,  who  thought  to  repossess  themselves 
of  the  valley.  The  greater  number  were  asleep;  many 


12 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


had  dispersed  in  search  of  food  and  plunder.  The  young 
fair-haired  men  massacred  a vast  number  of  them,  making 
no  distinction  between  the  old  inhabitants  who  had  re- 
mained in  their  homes  and  those  who  presented  them- 
selves as  enemies  ; the  women  and  children  alone  were 
spared. 

After  a council  of  the  elders,  and  after  having  consulted 
the  women,  it  was  decided  that  in  order  to  prevent  fresh 
surprises,  and  to  protect  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  they 
should  form  a vast  camp  on  the  promontory,  where  in 
case  of  alarm  the  people  of  the  valley  of  Avon  could 
take  refuge  with  their  families,  their  flocks  and  herds, 
provisions  and  arms,  defy  every  attack,  and  resume  the 
offensive  at  the  opportune  moment. 

The  summit  of  the  promontory  was  therefore  cleared  ; 
every  able-bodied  man  was  required  to  give  one  day’s 
work  in  four  till  the  camp  was  finished  ; and  those  of  the 
old  inhabitants  who  had  escaped  the  massacre,  as  well  as 
the  children  and  women,  had  to  labour  without  ceasing 
at  the  circumvallations.  The  women  prepared  food  for 
the  workmen,  and  the  children  carried  earth  in  baskets 
or  brought  branches  of  trees  which  were  mingled  with 
the  earth. 

Following  exactly  the  verge  of  the  plateau,  the  chiefs 
of  the  eight  tribes  settled  in  the  valley  marked  out  the 
boundary  of  the  camp,  its  entrances,  its  defences,  the 
retreat  of  the  elders,  the  place  for  the  cattle,  that  of 
the  huts  for  the  families,  and  lastly  the  site  proper  for 
the  erection  of  the  Némède — the  sacred  inclosure — the 
sanctuary  of  Belen  and  the  dwellings  of  the  Druids. 

First,  with  the  aid  of  strong  levers  of  wood  hardened 
by  fire,  the  stones  which  obtruded  above  the  level  of 
the  plateau  were  forced  out  and  arranged  on  the  peri- 
meter described  ; then  upon  this  layer,  behind  which  was 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


13 


heaped  coarse  gravel  mixed  with  earth,  were  placed  trunks 
of  trees,  crosswise,  four  feet  apart.  The  width  of  the  base 
was  twenty  feet.  The  interval  between  the  trunks  was 
filled  with  stones,  earth,  and  branches.  Then  another 
layer  of  stones  mingled  with  earth,  then  three  rows  of 
trunks  of  trees,  laid  this  time  lengthwise,  bound  together 
with  strong  bands  of  green  withy,  always  with  gravel 
between.  On  this  a third  layer  of  stones,  more  trunks 
of  trees  across,  overlapping  the  others,  and  a topping  of 
gravel,  of  turf  and  soil,  forming  the  rampart  walk. 

Stakes  were  placed  upright,  five  feet  apart,  and  firmly 
driven  three  feet  down  into  the  rampart  on  the  outer  edge, 
serving  to  fix,  by  means  of  osier  bands,  wattled  hurdles 
five  feet  six  inches  high,  so  as  to  form  a continuous  para- 
pet pierced  with  loop-holes. 

The  rampart  rose  to  a height  of  five  feet.  The  in- 
closure completed,  the  Druids  marked  out  the  area 
allotted  to  the  eight  tribes.  To  each  of  them  was  given 
a circular  space  of  two  hundred  feet  in  diameter;  the 
huts  were  disposed  in  two  rings  around  the  perimeter  ; 
in  the  middle  was  the  paddock  for  the  animals  and  the 
hut  of  the  chief. 

The  general  view  of  the  camp  is  given  in  Fig.  2,  with 
the  rampart,  the  two  entrances,  the  sunk  approaches, 
defended  on  the  other  side  by  a mound  raised  with  the 
earth  excavated  to  form  these  approaches,  and  the  eight 
circles  allotted  to  the  tribes  ; at  A,  the  Némède  and  the 
dwelling  of  the  Druids  and  Druidesses,  surrounded  by 
the  sacred  inclosure.  Wells  were  sunk  in  each  of  the 
circles  of  the  tribes,  and  in  the  inclosure  of  the  Némède 

Fig.  3 gives  the  section  of  the  rampart  with  its  terrace- 
walk,  A,  for  the  defenders,  and,  at  intervals,  the  inclines,  K, 
affording  an  easy  means  for  ascending  to  the  terrace- 
walk.  The  entrances  were  masked  by  a mound  forming 


Fig.  j.-Ihe  Oppidum. 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


15 


an  advanced  work,  and  leaving  two  ways  out  along  the 
ramparts.  Fig.  4 shows  how  these  entrances  were  dis- 
posed. The  two  extremities  of  the  rampart  were 


strengthened  by  a wider  embankment,  H,  affording  space 
for  a numerous  assemblage  of  defenders.  Here  is  shown 
the  screen  thrown  up  outside  the  cutting,  and  at  K the 
sunken  road  with  its  mound,  L. 


!6  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Fig.  4. 

Fig.  5 represents  the  Némède,  with  its  inclosure  and 
the  dwellings  of  the  Druids. 


The  camp  finished — except  the  habitations  of  the 
tribes,  whose  site  was  only  marked  by  circles  of  stones — a 
certain  number  of  young  men  were  put  to  live  there,  who 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


17 


replaced  each  other  every  day.  Arriving  there  at  sunset, 
they  remained  in  the  camp  until  the  beginning  of  the  next 
night.  Those  of  the  former  inhabitants  of  the  valley  who 
still  lived  were  forbidden  to  enter  the  camp  on  pain  of 
death. 

The  tribes  prospered,  enriching  themselves  with  the  pro- 
duce of  the  earth  and  with  their  cattle.  Some,  having  dis- 
covered copper  ore  in  the  neighbourhood,  manufactured 
arms  and  utensils.  There  were  also  potters  who  wrought 
skilfully  in  clay.  At  certain  periods  of  the  year,  merchants 
brought  to  the  valley  stuffs,  salt,  spices,  and  even  wine  in 
leathern  bottles.  They  took  in  exchange  articles  of  bronze, 
skins,  cheese,  and  corn. 

The  tribes,  not  having  had  any  fresh  attacks  to  resist 
during  a lengthened  period,  left  off  guarding  the  camp, 
which  was  rarely  visited  except  on  occasion  of  certain 
solemnities  and  of  assemblies  convoked  by  the  Druids. 
The  latter  lived  by  themselves,  surrounded  by  their 
college,  within  the  vast  inclosure  which  they  cultivated, 
and  where  their  sheep  and  cattle  grazed.  The  ramparts, 
whose  timber  work  had  decayed,  had  sunk,  and  presented 
only  a slight  elevation.  They  were  overgrown  with 
vegetation  in  several  places.  But  in  the  peaceful  state 
in  which  the  tribes  were  living,  no  one  thought  of 
repairing  these  defences. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  valley  had  been  frequently  em- 
broiled with  the  neighbouring  tribes,  and  had  often  come 
to  blows  with  them  ; but  peace  was  soon  restored,  for  none 
of  these  groups  of  tribes  cherished  the  intention  of  sub- 
jugating its  neighbours  and  seizing  their  territory. 

Nevertheless  repose  was  irksome  to  them,  and  their 
youths  would  often  quit  the  valley  in  quest  of  adven- 
tures, and  to  see  the  world. 

About  389  B.C.,  a great  number  of  men,  attracted  by  the 

C 


is 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


seductive  eloquence  of  a Brenn— a chief  elected  by  certain 
tribes  to  command  distant  expeditions — had  quitted  their 
hearths  in  the  hope  of  amassing  wealthy  spoils  in  the 
southern  lands  beyond  the  mountains.  Two  years  having 
passed  away,  a small  number  made  their  appearance  again 
in  the  valley  ; they  brought  with  them  gold  and  costly 
fabrics,  and  marvellous  were  the  tales  they  told  of  the 
countries  they  had  traversed,  and  in  which  they  had  been 
incessantly  fighting. 

They  had  seen  cities  environed  by  strong  stone  walls, 
and  filled  with  magnificent  public  buildings  and  sumptuous 
mansions — richly  fertile  regions,  where  the  vine  and  luscious 
fruits  of  every  kind  were  cultivated. 

Among  other  results  of  adventure,  it  was  observed  that 
those  who  returned  from  these  distant  expeditions  had  lost 
the  habit  of  peaceful  industry  ; and  although  more  than 
half  their  comrades  had  perished  by  the  way,  their  dreams 
were  still  of  battles,  and  plunder,  and  adventures.  They 
were  idle,  insolent,  and  irascible,  and  even  aspired  to  a 
kind  of  lordship  over  the  peaceable  families  that  lived  by 
industry.  The  latter  had  at  first  joyfully  welcomed  the 
unhoped-for  return  of  these  warriors  ; and  had  listened  with 
admiration  to  the  stories  of  their  prowess  and  adventures 
recited  around  the  family  hearth  ; but  their  imperious  bear- 
ing, their  idleness  and  boasting,  were  beginning  to  become 
intolerable.  Every  day  saw  new  quarrels  arise,  which 
generally  ended  in  blood.  The  wives  of  these  heroes  were 
still  more  insolent  than  the  warriors  themselves,  and  pre- 
sumed to  treat  their  dependents  as  slaves,  such  as  were 
those  of  the  ladies  in  the  countries  so  gloriously  traversed 
by  their  husbands. 

Things  being  in  this  state,  the  tribes  of  the  valley  had 
been  summoned  to  a meeting  in  the  old  camp,  according  to 
custom,  to  deliberate  on  their  common  interests,  and  to 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


19 


endeavour  to  put  an  end  to  feuds.  The  men  always 
repaired  to  these  assemblies  armed  ; the  women  used  to 
come  bringing  food  and  drink  ; for  these  meetings  were 
usually  terminated  by  festivities  lasting  the  whole  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  day  appointed,  the  sound  of 
trumpets  re-echoed  through  the  valley,  and  from  every 
quarter  the  inhabitants  might  be  seen  flocking  towards  the 
hill.  A wooden  bridge  had  long  since  been  built  over  the 
river  near  the  mouth  of  the  rivulet.  When  the  chiefs  of 
the  tribes,  accompanied  by  the  mass  of  the  people,  pre- 
sented themselves  at  the  bridge,  they  found  it  occupied  by 
the  warriors,  whose  ranks  had  been  increased  by  a large 
number  of  young  men  of  the  valley,  and  even  other  war- 
riors, strangers  to  the  tribes. 

“ It  is  at  the  camp  and  not  here  that  the  people  meet,” 
said  one  of  the  chiefs  ; “let  us  pass  over.”  “You  shall  not 
pass,”  replied  one  of  the  warriors,  “without  listening  to  the 
conditions  we  propose.”  “We  have  neither  conditions  to 
submit  to  nor  conditions  to  impose,”  rejoined  the  first  ; 
“the  men  of  this  country  are  free,  and  the  land  is  theirs, 
in  the  valley  and  on  the  mountain;  let  us  pass  on!” 
“ It  will  be  by  force  then,”  replied  the  warrior,  half  un- 
sheathing his  swrord. 

A long-continued  cry  of  indignation  followed  this 
defiance,  and  arms  began  to  glitter  in  the  sun  among  the 
crowd  like  flashes  of  lightning.  The  chiefs,  however, 
imposed  silence,  and  held  the  crowd  in  check.  Then 
advancing  in  concert  to  the  entrance  of  the  bridge,  one 
of  them  spoke  thus  : — “ What  do  you  want  ? Do  you  not 
belong  to  our  tribes?  Have  you  not  flocks,  and  wives,  and 
children  born  in  the  valley?  What  conditions  do  you  aim 
to  impose  upon  us — us  who  are  your  equals  ? Speak  ! 
What  can  you  ask  for  more  than  you  already  possess  ? 
What  wrongs  have  been  done  you  ? Why  bring  with  you 

C 2 


20 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


men  who  are  strangers  to  the  country,  whom  we  do  not 
know,  and  who  have  no  claim  to  an  interest  among  us?” 
“Answer  him,  answer  him,  Sigild,”  said  all  the  warriors 
with  one  voice.  Sigild  advanced.  He  was  a handsome 
young  man,  a native  of  the  valley,  tall  and  slight,  with 
a mild  look,  and  a beard  just  appearing  ; his  breast 
covered  with  a small  bronze  cuirass  which  glittered  in 
the  sun  : his  white  arms  were  bare,  and  adorned  with 
bracelets  of  gold.  He  disdained  a helmet,  and  his  blond 
hair,  fastened  at  the  top  of  his  head  with  a long  golden 
pin,  fell  down  over  his  back  ; chases'  wrought  in  bright 
colours  covered  his  legs  ; his  waist  was  girt  with  a 
kind  of  scarf,  which  was  gracefully  thrown  back  over  the 
shoulder  and  left  arm.  A narrow  buckler  and  a sword 
hung  at  his  side.  He  smiled,  made  a sign  with  his  hand 
as  if  requesting  silence,  and  said  : — “Friends  and  brethren, 
we  are  all  free — all  of  the  same  blood  ; we  ought  to  remain 
united  to  conquer  those  who  desire  to  plunder  or  to  enslave 
us.  Consider,  however,  that  you  have  among  you  the  élite 
of  the  warriors  who  have  conquered  powerful  nations,  and 
have  spread  the  renown  of  the  Gallic  name  beyond  the 
mountains.  Many  have  died  in  battle  ; but  do  not  those 
who  have  returned  to  you  after  so  many  trials,  bringing 
with  them  a rich  booty  and  having  acquired  skill  in  arms, 
deserve  some  consideration  from  you  ? Inured  to  war  and 
always  ready  to  shed  their  blood,  are  they  not  more  fitted 
to  defend  your  hearths  than  men  who  have  done  nothing 
but  tend  cattle  and  till  the  soil  ? They  do  not,  however, 
ask  you  to  keep  them  in  idleness,  or  to  consider  them  as 
chiefs  or  masters  ; their  only  wish  is  to  defend  you.  They 
know  to  what  extent  you  are  encompassed  by  rapacious 
and  envious  men,  who,  jealous  of  the  prosperity  of  your 

1 Chases— a kind  of  trousers  divided  down  the  legs  and  fastened  with 
bandelets. 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


21 


valley,  are  cherishing  the  most  sinister  designs  against  you. 
They  know  this  because  they  have  seen  many  peoples  of 
whose  existence  you  do  not  dream,  though  they  are  close 
to  your  borders.  Lulled  by  a prolonged  security,  you  are 
not  in  a condition  to  resist  a serious  attack.  Now  these 
warriors — your  relations,  your  brothers,  your  friends,  of  the 
same  blood  as  yourselves — have  been  considering  with  pain- 
ful anxiety  this  state  of  repose  in  which  you  are  living. 
They  have,  therefore,  formed  the  intention — they,  as  men 
of  war,  to  occupy  the  camp,  to  fortify  it  effectually,  to  make 
it  a reliable  place  of  refuge  in  case  of  invasion,  and  to 
defend  themselves  in  it  to  the  death.  Is  there  any  wrong 
in  this  ? As  to  these  warriors,  whom  you  regard  as  stran- 
gers, they  are  brethren  in  arms  who  have  fought  side  by 
side  with  us  beyond  the  mountains,  but  who  no  longer 
finding  their  abodes  on  returning  to  their  valleys  de- 
vastated by  marauders,  ask  an  asylum  with  us.  Besides, 
if  they  do  not  belong  to  your  tribes,  are  they  not  Gauls 
like  ourselves  ? 

“ We  have  wished  to  say  this  to  you  here,  and  not  in  the 
place  of  rendezvous  itself,  in  the  fear  lest  our  intentions 
should  be  misunderstood  amid  so  great  a concourse.  If 
our  proposals,  conceived  with  a view  to  the  common 
interest,  appear  to  you  just,  and  if  you  still  persist  in 
holding  the  assembly  on  the  height  above,  we  will  go 
before  you  to  the  camp,  and  will  remain  there  when  you 
return  to  your  habitations. 

“ As  for  us,  devoting  ourselves  to  those  new  functions 
which  we  are  competent  to  discharge,  we  will  make  of  this 
camp  a stronghold  impregnable  to  any  enemy  that  might 
dare  to  attack  us.”  A long  murmur  followed  this  discourse 
and  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes  looked  wistfully  at  each  other. 

The  most  venerable  of  them,  advancing  in  his  turn 
replied  thus  : “ Sigild,  your  words  are  fair  ; but  the  act 


22 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


to  which  you  and  your  companions  are  committing  your- 
selves at  this  moment  is  insulting,  and  aims  a blow  at 
the  liberty  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley.  You  parade 
before  us  imaginary  dangers,  with  a view  to  remaining  on 
that  height  under  the  pretext  of  defending  our  families, 
but  really  in  order  to  separate  yourselves  from  us  and 
act  according  to  your  good  pleasure.  Tell  us  who  will 
support  you  and  take  care  of  your  cattle  while  you  are 
remaining  on  the  height  under  arms,  waiting  for  an  enemy 
who  perhaps  will  never  make  his  appearance  ? Sole 
masters  of  the  bridge  and  the  two  streams,  you  will  be 
able,  if  you  choose,  to  debar  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley 
from  hunting  in  the  woods  that  extend  behind  the  camp, 
and  from  fishing  in  the  waters  of  the  upper  stream  which 
furnish  the  best  supply.  We  shall  thus  be  at  your  dis- 
cretion. If  the  assembly  thinks  it  desirable  to  strengthen 
the  fortifications  of  the  camp,  every  inhabitant  of  the 
valley  will  take  his  share  in  the  work — yourselves  with 
the  rest.  If  it  shall  be  necessary  to  defend  the  inclo- 
sure, all  who  are  in  a condition  to  bear  arms  must  engage 
in  the  defence  ; for  all  are  equally  interested  in  protecting 
their  families,  in  repelling  an  enemy,  and  not  exposing 
themselves  to  insult.  Come,  then,  with  us  to  the  camp; 
we  will  deliberate  on  all  that  concerns  the  interests  of  the 
tribes,  and  you  will  only  have  to  submit,  like  ourselves,  to 
the  result  of  our  deliberation.  As  to  the  new-comers,  if 
they  ask  for  an  asylum,  you  know  that  it  will  not  be 
refused  them  ; but  they  must  fulfil  the  conditions  imposed 
upon  foreigners  wishing  to  live  among  us.  Moreover,  we 
shall  have  to  consult  the  Ovates.” 

Thrusting  back  Sigild,  who  was  preparing  to  give  an 
answer,  the  first  warrior,  who  had  spoken  so  insolently, 
advanced  to  the  edge  of  the  bridge  in  front  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  tribes,  and  putting  aside  their  arms,  he  said,  " No  one 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


23 


shall  pass  ; all  this  parleying  is  useless  ; go  back  to  your 
houses  ; we  will  hold  the  camp.” 

At  these  words  a thousand  voices  arose,  and  in  spite 
of  the  endeavours  of  the  chief:  to  restrain  them,  the  crowd 
of  the  men  of  the  valley  rushed  forward  like  a torrent. 
Swords  were  drawn  on  both  sides,  and  the  clash  of  arms 
was  mingled  with  the  cries  of  the  two  parties.  The  im- 
precations of  the  women  dispersed  along  the  shore,  and 
who  were  urging  the  men  towards  the  bridge,  were  heard 
above  the  clamour  of  the  multitude.  The  party  that  was 
endeavouring  to  obstruct  the  passages  recoiled  for  the 
moment,  with  a view  to  concentrate  themselves  on  the 
narrowest  point  ; and,  as  the  warriors  had  crowded  to- 
gether on  the  bridge  to  hear  what  was  being  said  on  both 
sides,  and  many  had  even  mounted  on  the  wooden  parapets, 
this  movement  from  front  to  rear  threw  confusion  into  the 
closely-packed  mass,  and  several  fell  into  the  river. 

At  sight  of  this  a shout,  followed  by  an  immense  burst 
of  laughter,  issued  from  the  groups  assembled  on  the  shore  ; 
and  the  defenders  of  the  bridge,  and  those  who  were  ad- 
vancing to  meet  them,  having  no  conception  of  the  cause 
of  this  laughter,  stopped  and  looked  behind  them  on  either 
side. 

But  the  warriors  who  had  fallen  from  the  bridge  into  the 
water,  embarrassed  by  their  clothes  and  shackled  by  their 
armour,  although  able  to  swim,  were  being  swept  down  by 
the  current,  with  a rapidity  increased  by  the  swollen  state 
of  the  river.  They  were  all  but  engulfed  in  the  rapid 
torrent.  Two  boats  were  fastened  to  the  bank  on  the 
valley  side  ; in  a moment  some  of  the  spectators  pushed 
off  in  them,  and  rowing  with  might  and  main,  and  with  the 
help  of  poles,  had  soon  rescued  the  half-drowned  warriors 
and  brought  them  to  the  shore. 

Three  had  lost  consciousness  ; every  assistance  was 


24 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


afforded  them,  and  the  women  especially  lavished  upon 
them  the  most  assiduous  attention. 

The  result  of  this  episode  was  the  intermingling-  of  the 
parties  ; the  defenders  of  the  bridge  had  advanced  on  the 
shore  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the  passage,  and  were  sur- 
rounding the  handsome  Sigild,  who,  with  a smile  upon  his 
lips,  was  answering  all  the  questions  addressed  to  him  by 
reassuring  words.  He  might  be  seen  slightly  shrugging 
his  shoulders  and  shaking  his  head  in  graceful  fashion.  An 
armed  struggle  was  no  longer  possible,  and  the  war-cry 
had  been  exchanged  for  laughter.  A more  compact  group, 
however,  consisting  of  members  of  the  two  parties,  were 
keeping  up  a livèly  discussion  along  one  of  the  parapets  of 
the  bridge,  when  one  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  to 
whom  the  attention  of  those  surrounding  him  seemed  to 
be  directed,  mounted  the  hand-rail  with  agility,  and, 
fastening  his  buckler  to  his  shoulder,  plunged  into  the 
river. 

He  soon  re-appeared,  and  swimming  with  vigour  and 
address,  gained  a footing  on  the  bank  at  the  base  of  the 
promontory. 

The  hurraing  on  the  opposite  shore  recommenced  ; in  an 
instant  the  two  boats  were  filled  by  men  of  the  valley,  and 
others  crossed  swimming,  partly  aided  by  the  boats,  which 
soon  reached  the  other  side.  Some  vessels  towed  across 
conveyed  considerable  numbers — so  many,  indeed,  that  the 
holders  of  the  bridge  saw  themselves  placed  between  two 
hostile  bodies,  should  they  persist  in  their  resolution.  The 
laughter  was  kept  up  on  both  sides,  and  was  communicated 
even  to  the  warriors  posted  on  the  passage.  The  knot  of 
defenders  became  less  and  less  dense,  and  if  they  did  not 
retreat  en  masse — which  would  have  called  forth  a fresh 
burst  of  hilarity — they  were  gradually  retiring.  Soon  the 
platform  of  the  bridge  was  deserted  by  all  but  the  surly 


THE  OPPIDUM. 


25 


instigator  of  the  strife,  whose  insolent  words  had  almost 
occasioned  a sanguinary  struggle.  He  indeed  was  not 
laughing  ; when  he  saw  himself  abandoned  he  threw  his 
sword  into  the  river,  and  making  himself  a passage 
through  the  crowd,  he  bent  his  steps  towards  the  valley. 
The  handsome  Sigild,  surrounded  by  the  greater  part  of 
the  warriors,  was  on  his  way  upwards  towards  the  camp, 
and  the  whole  multitude  was  following  him. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 

Thirty  years  after  the  event  just  related,  the  valley  of 
Avon  still  preserved  its  smiling  aspect  and  was  covered 
with  rustic  habitations  ; there  might  be  seen,  however, 
in  front  of  and  behind  the  bridge  just  mentioned,  two 
groups  of  houses  in  pretty  close  proximity  : the  first  in 
the  direction  of  the  valley,  the  second  on  the  lower  slopes 
of  the  plateau.  A considerable  number  of  boats  were 
moored  on  the  two  banks  below  the  bridge,  and  were 
receiving  or  discharging  packages  covered  with  wrappers 
made  of  rushes.  On  the  top  of  the  promontory  was  seen 
the  outline  of  a rampart  made  of  stone,  wood,  and  earth, 
but  with  square  towers  composed  in  great  part  of  timber 
and  wattle-work,  about  a hundred  paces  apart.  Outside 
the  inclosure  rose  palisades  of  no  great  height,  in  front 
of  a ditch  six  feet  wide  by  three  or  four  feet  deep.  The 
entrances  to  the  Oppidum,  which  still  occupied  the  place 
previously  indicated,  were  amply  environed  outside  by 
stakes  connected  by  branches  of  trees.  At  the  lower  end 
of  the  two  sunk  roads  were  raised  besides  two  towers  of 
timber  and  wattle-work. 

Grave  events  had  been  the  cause  of  these  changes. 

The  meeting  announced  in  the  preceding  chapter  had 
taken  place  on  the  plateau.  The  uproar  and  confusion 
that  prevailed  threatened  a sanguinary  conclusion.  The 
warriors  insisted  on  adhering  to  the  programme  sketched 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


27 


by  the  handsome  Sigild,  and  on  reserving  to  themselves 
the  privilege  of  guarding  the  camp. 

The  chiefs  of  the  tribes  would  not  agree  to  this.  The 
Ovates,  the  wisest  among  the  Druids,  had  been  consulted. 
But  their  responses,  of  a somewhat  ambiguous  character, 
did  not  satisfy  the  multitude. 

The  latter  (the  Ovates)  declared  in  the  first  place,  that 
the  Némède  could  not  be  touched  without  drawing  down 
the  gravest  calamities  upon  the  tribes  ; that  the  flocks 
belonging  to  the  college  must  be  allowed  to  graze  undis- 
turbed on  the  plateau  ; and  that  if  any  peril  threatened 
the  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  they,  the  Druids,  would  be 
able  to  give  timely  warning  to  the  defenders.  During 
this  deliverance  the  handsome  Sigild  wore  his  accustomed 
smile  and  suavely  shook  his  head  in  his  usual  manner, 
but  said  not  a word.  The  Druidesses,  seated  along  the 
inclosure  of  the  Némède,  their  hands  on  their  knees  in 
a musing  attitude,  appeared  to  take  no  part  in  the  dis- 
cussion. The  men  were  divided  into  groups,  and  it  seemed 
as  if  no  decision  would  be  arrived  at  befoie  sunset. 
Hunger  and  thirst  began  to  be  keenly  felt,  and  the  women 
were  spreading  on  the  turf  the  provisions  they  had 
brought.  At  this  juncture  one  of  the  Druidesses,  at  the 
solicitation  of  her  companions,  advanced  into  the  midst 
of  the  assembly.  She  was  young,  tall,  and  dressed 
in  a long  white  robe — a kind  of  dalmatic  without  a 
girdle  ; and  her  bare  arms  .were  adorned  with  bracelets 
of  black  glass.  On  seeing  her  every  voice  was  hushed, 
and  surrounded  by  her  companions,  who  had  followed 
her,  she  spoke  thus  : — 

“You  who  are  assembled  here,  who  live  in  peace,  think- 
ing you  have  no  enemy  to  fear,  are  unable  calmly  to 
deliberate  and  adopt  a wise  resolution.  How  will  it  be 
when  the  enemy  is  upon  you  ? And  I warn  you  that 


28 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


such  an  enemy  is  near  ; he  is  preparing  his  arms  and 
reckoning  his  spoils  in  the  pillage  of  your  flocks  and  the 
plunder  of  your  houses  ; indeed  he  is  already  rejoicing 
in  a victory  which  he  deems  certain  because  he  knows 
you  are  not  in  a condition  to  act  in  concert  to  resist  him. 

“ Abandon  this  place,  which  you  are  incapable  of  de- 
fending, since  you  know  not  how  to  fortify  it  ; return  to 
your  houses,  and  await  in  careless  ease  the  hour  of  peril.” 
Around  the  young  woman,  pale  with  emotion,  and  who 
spoke  without  a gesture  or  a movement,  as  if  the  words 
she  was  slowly  pronouncing  had  issued  from  a statue,  the 
multitude  had  assembled  in  a compact  mass.  A tremu- 
lous agitation  ran  through  the  crowd  like  the  breeze 
through  the  corn.  Then,  by  one  of  those  instinctive 
movements  which  sway  the  multitude,  all  eyes  were 
turned  towards  Sigild.  The  latter,  standing  in  front  of 
the  Druidess,  who  had  remained  rigid  as  a statue  on 
the  stone  that  served  her  as  a tribune,  had  his  eyes  fixed 
on  the  ground  contrary  to  his  usual  custom,  as  if  he 
could  not  endure  the  fire  of  all  these  glances  directed 
towards  him. 

Through  the  murmurs  of  the  crowd  the  name  of  Sigild 
could  be  vaguely  distinguished.  “ Let  Sigild  be  our 
Brenn  ! ” said  a voice.  Immediately  thousands  of  voices 
repeated,  “ Let  Sigild  be  our  Brenn  ! ” It  seemed  then 
as  if  all  those  who  a few  minutes  before  were  of  opinions 
widely  contrary  had  but  a 31’ngle  thought,  a single  soul, 
a single  voice. 

Sigild  was  therefore  proclaimed  Brenn,  and  the  night 
passed  in  joyous  festivities. 

Whether  the  young  Druidess  had  been  informed  of  the 
projects  formed  against  the  happy  inhabitants  of  the 
valley  of  Avon,  or  whether  inspiration  or  chance  had  led 
to  the  coincidence,  only  a few  months  had  passed  since 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE . 


29 


the  meeting  in  question,  when  they  observed  certain 
strangers  roaming  about  the  hills,  who  speedily  dis- 
appeared when  the  inhabitants  began  to  question  them  ; 
and  subsequently  a larger  number  of  merchants  than  was 
customary,  arrived  in  the  valley.  They  were  insolent,  en- 
deavoured to  embroil  themselves  with  the  inhabitants, 
and  uttered  menaces  when  their  assumptions  were  met 
by  reason  ; and  several  of  them  who  were  expelled  from 
the  country  threatened  to  return  and  avenge  themselves. 

One  day,  in  fact,  the  heights  that  surrounded  the  valley 
appeared  occupied  one  after  the  other  by  troops  of  armed 
men. 

Meanwhile  Sigild,  elected  Brenn,  had  lost  no  time.  He 
had  first  assembled  around  him  all  his  old  companions 
in  arms  ; and  many  young  men  who  preferred  a life  of 
war  to  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  the  shepherd  or  the  hus- 
bandman had  also  joined  him. 

The  new  Brenn  had  gold,  and  on  occasions  would  pay 
men  to  work  at  the  Oppidum.  Full  of  respect  and  de- 
ference for  the  Druids,  he  had  embellished  the  Némède  ; 
and  seemed  to  engage  in  no  undertaking  till  he  had  con- 
sulted the  Ovates.  He  gave  them  the  produce  of  his 
hunting  expeditions,  and  had  caused  a decree  to  be  made 
that  the  fishery  above  the  bridge  should  be  reserved  for 
the  college. 

The  camp  was  assuming  day  by  day  a more  formidable 
aspect,  but  the  Brenn  and  his  men,  with  the  college  of 
the  Druids,  were  the  only  persons  entitled  to  sojourn 
there.  As  on  former  occasions,  every  man  of  the  valley 
was  obliged  to  devote  one  day  in  four  to  the  work  of 
fortification  ; moreover,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Val  d’Avon 
supplied  the  warriors  with  provisions.  They  were,  how- 
ever, beginning  to  murmur,  and  to  complain  of  the  exac- 
tions of  the  latter  ; and  things  would  probably  have  not 


3° 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


long  continued  on  this  footing,  when  the  threatened 
enemy  appeared. 

The  sound  of  trumpets  was  immediately  heard  in  the 
camp  : it  was  the  signal  agreed  upon  ; and  the  unfortunate 
families  of  the  valley  might  be  seen  rushing  in  disorder 
towards  the  bridge,  driving  their  cattle  before  them,  and 
carrying  with  them  on  their  backs  or  in  waggons  their 
most  valued  property,  with  provisions,  clothes,  and  even 
furniture.  The  bridge  not  being  wide  enough  for  the 
passage  of  the  distracted  multitude  who  were  thronging 
towards  it,  boats  were  heavily  laden  with  people,  and 
many  foundered. 

The  armed  bands  that  had  appeared  on  the  hills, 
whether  as  a matter  of  prudence  or  because  they  were 
waiting  for  the  command  to  advance,  made  no  haste  to 
descend  into  the  valley,  and  night  came  without  a single 
enemy  having  quitted  his  post  of  observation. 

This  night  was  a painful  one  for  the  inhabitants  of  the 
valley.  It  was  autumn,  and  the  cold  was  already  begin- 
ning to  be  felt.  They  were  arriving  breathless  in  the 
camp,  covered  with  sweat  ; the  sharp  air  of  the  night 
was  freezing  their  limbs.  They  were  calling  to  or  search- 
ing for  each  other  in  the  crowd,  and  although  space  was 
not  wanting,  it  seemed  as  if  this  multitude  would  never 
succeed  in  housing  itself  on  the  plateau.  Fires  were 
being  lighted,  and  the  warriors,  Sigild’s  companions,  were 
hastening  to  and  fro  on  horseback  among  the  distracted 
crowd,  endeavouring  to  make  themselves  heard  and  to 
introduce  a little  order  into  this  confusion  ; for  each  tribe 
had  had  its  quarters  traced  out  for  it  by  the  wise  foresight 
of  the  Brenn.  But  those  who  had  arrived  first  at  any 
spot  were  loath  to  quit  it  and  take  up  their  baggage  again 
to  carry  it  elsewhere.  The  animals  were  lowing  or  bleat- 
ing, the  children  were  crying,  and  the  women  lamenting. 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


3» 


The  valley  presented  a quite  different  spectacle;  ani- 
mated the  night  before,  lighted  up  by  the  household 
fires  that  sparkled  through  the  trees,  and  filled  with  the 
sounds  of  evening,  it  was  now  silent  and  deserted  ; not 
a light  nor  the  least  appearance  of  life  could  be  distin- 
guished. A pale  fog  was  diffused  over  the  meadows. 
At  nightfall  Sigild  ordered  the  barriers  of  the  camp  to 
be  closed,  prohibiting,  on  pain  of  death,  their  being  opened 
to  any  person  whatever.  Thus  many  belated  families  had 
to  await  the  return  of  day  below  the  ramparts. 

With  smiling  countenance  the  Brenn  was  leisurely 
traversing  on  horseback  the  various  quarters  of  the 
camp  : he  was  addressing  all  he  met,  and  his  gentle, 
penetrating  voice  seemed  to  restore  order  and  silence 
wherever  it  was  heard.  His  words  and  counsels,  and  the 
fatigue  that  was  taking  possession  of  the  crowd,  had  soon 
caused  an  appearance  of  calm  to  succeed  the  confusion 
that  prevailed  at  first.  Then  the  Brenn  re-entered  the 
hut  he  had  caused  to  be  constructed  for  himself  on  the 
projecting  summit  of  the  promontory,  in  fiont  of  the 
Némède,  and  summoned  Tomar  into  his  presence. 

Tomar  was  one  of  the  stranger  warriors  whom  Sigild 
had  kept  near  him  after  the  meeting  above  mentioned. 
Had  these  foreign  warriors  been  forced  to  quit  their 
native  regions  in  consequence  of  the  devastation  of  their 
estates  and  the  ruin  of  their  families,  as  the  Brenn  had 
affirmed  ; or  had  they  been  banished  by  their  country- 
men for  certain  misdeeds?  We  cannot  say.  Certain  it 
is  that  they  were  devoted' body  and  soul  to  Sigild,  who 
on  his  part  was  in  a position  liberally  to  reward  their 
devotion.  Tomar  was  of  medium  height,  and  his  large 
head,  on  a short  neck  bristling  with  harsh,  thick  hair, 
seemed  to  move  with  difficulty.  His  face  also  preserved 
a kind  of  immobility  ; and  but  for  his  grey  eyes,  w'hich, 


32 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


under  his  bushy  eyebrows,  seemed  to  penetrate  in  every 
direction,  the  man  might  have  been  taken  for  a rough- 
hewn  image  of  wood.  With  curved  back,  long  arms, 
always  falling  down  by  the  side  of  his  body,  and  legs 
heavy  and  bent,  Tomar  could  nevertheless  perform  a 


Sigild  and  Tomar. 

march  of  twelve  hours  in  succession  without  turning  his 
head.  Yet  at  the  end  of  the  journey  this  automaton- 
like being  had  seen  all  that  was  visible  through  the  whole 
route,  and  could  give  an  account  of  what  he  had  observed 
with  the  most  minute  exactness  and  in  the  most  perfect 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


33 


sequence.  He  could  speak  many  Gallic  dialects,  but  no 
one — not  even  Sigild — knew  his  past  history.  Tomar 
rarely  laughed.  A travelling  merchant  had  brought  an 
ape  into  the  valley  ; and  witnessing  the  grimaces  of  this 
specimen  of  the  quadrumana,  Tomar  burst  into  a fit  of 
laughter.  It  was  almost  the  only  time  that  he  had  per- 
mitted himself  such  an  ebullition,  and  if  any  one  wanted 
to  provoke  anything  like  a smile  upon  his  rigid  counte- 
nance, he  must  mention  the  ape. 

As  his  manner  was,  Tomar  entered  the  Brenn’s  hut  as 
noiselessly  as  a cat,  and  placing  himself  before  Sigild 
said,  “Here  I am!”  “Tomar,  I rely  upon  thy  aid.” 
“Yes.”  “ Thou  wilt  go  out  of  the  camp  without  a single 
person — mind,  a single  person — suspecting  thy  departure.” 
“Yes.”  “Thou  wilt  go  to  the  border  of  the  Sequani  ; 
thou  understandest  ? Thou  wilt  speak  to  Ditovix  ; thou 
understandest  ? ” “ Yes.”  “Thou  wilt  ask  him  for  five  hun- 
dred warriors  who  have  nothing  to  lose.”  “Yes.”  “Thou 
wilt  tell  him  that  these  warriors  will  find  here  lands 
and  wealth.”  “Yes.”  “Thou  wilt  conduct  them  through 
the  forests,  getting  all  the  information  thou  canst.’ 
“Yes.”  “Thou  wilt  require  three  days  to  go;  one  day 
to  arrange  matters  with  Ditovix  ; to  assemble  the  five 
hundred  warriors,  six  days  ; to  bring  them  here,  four 
days;  altogether  fourteen  days.  The  evening  of  the  four- 
teenth, dating  from  to-morrow  morning,  thou  and  the 
five  hundred  warriors  will  be  at  a distance  of  three  miles 
from  the  camp,  towards  the  north,  in  the  woods.  At 
sunset  thou  wilt  place  a pole  at  the  top  of  one  of  the 
highest  trees  ; when  the  first  quarter  of  the  night  has 
expired  thou  will  hoist  a lighted  faggot  on  the  summit 
of  the  pole.  Thy  warriors  will  be  under  arms,  and  you 
will  immediately  rush  upon  the  enemies  between  us  and 
you.  We  shall  make  a sally  at  the  same  time,  and  fall 


34 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


upon  them.”  “The  enemies  will  be  there?”  “The 
enemies  are  sure  to  be  there,  because  if  they  wish  to 
besiege  the  camp  they  cannot  take  up  any  other  position. 
They  are  sure  to  be  there.”  “ Very  well,  I set  out.” 
“Listen!  if  you  meet  any  parties  of  the  enemy,  say 
that  you  have  been  wronged  by  us,  and  that  you  are 
seeking  vengeance,  knowing  that  we  are  on  the  point  of 
yielding  to  them.  They  will  either  accept  or  refuse  your 
co-operation.  If  they  accept  it,  the  warriors  of  Ditovix 
will  occupy  a part  of  the  enemy’s  camp,  and  at  the  signal 
agreed  on  will  spread  confusion  on  all  sides,  while  we 
make  a sortie  from  the  ramparts,  and  fall  upon  them  ; 
if  they  refuse  it,  you  will  pretend  to  be  greatly  irritated, 
but  will  affect  to  retire,  and  at  the  close  of  the  day  you 
will  return  to  the  place  mentioned.”  “ But  if  the  enemy 
occupy  that  spot  ? ” “ They  will  not  occupy  it,  because 

we  shall  compel  them  to  concentrate  their  forces  around 
us.  Stop,  here  is  gold,  and  a ring  well  known  to  Ditovix. 
Listen  further.  During  the  attack,  as  it  will  be  at  mid- 
night, the  warriors  thou  bringest  and  our  men,  not  being 
acquainted  with  each  other,  might  engage  in  mutual 
slaughter.  Before  the  battle  let  each  of  thy  men  put  on 
a necklace  of  grass,  and  set  fire  to  every  hi ig  that  can 
burn.  That  will  be  easy  ; the  ene  ny  will  make  himself 
a shelter  with  branches  : we  shall  wear  necklaces  like 
yours,  and  will  light  fires  on  our  side.  Next,  when  making 
the  attack,  let  all  thy  men  shout  ‘ Sigild  ! ’ Ours  will 
answer  with  the  same  cry.  To  ensure  the  lighting  of  the 
fires,  take  burning  embers  in  earthen  vessels  ; let  there 
be  at  least  one  of  these  to  every  five  men.  If  the  enemy 
accept  your  aid,  keep  as  much  as  possible  in  separate 
quarters,  so  that  it  will  not  be  difficult  for  you  to  make 
your  grass  necklaces,  and  you  will  have  your  lighted  fires 
to  use,  while  you  will  also  avail  yourselves  of  the  fire 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


35 


made  by  the  enemy.  But  if  through  distrust  they  sepa- 
rate you  into  small  parties,  arrange  beforehand  your 
signals  of  attack,  and  instead  of  grass  necklaces,  have 
the  right  leg  bare.  . . . Fourteen  days  !”  “I  under- 
stand.” 

Sigild  had  surrounded  the  camp  with  a number  of 
wooden  towers  placed  on  the  old  rampart,  which  had 
been  strengthened.  These  towrers,  whose  appearance  is 
shown  in  Fig.  6,  were  made  of  trunks  of  trees  piled  one 


upon  another,  and  framed  at  their  extremities.  They 
projected  from  the  rampart.  At  their  summit  was  con- 
structed a wooden  floor  surrounded  by  a parapet  of  wat- 
tling ; and  this  floor  was  reached  by  means  of  a ladder 
placed  inside  the  tower.  The  under  story  gave  shelter 
to  the  men  charged  with  the  defence  of  the  towers,  and 
who  watched  from  the  top.  If  they  perceived  any  sus- 
picious movement  without,  it  was  their  duty  to  give  the 
alarm  by  blowing  a horn.  Sigild  had  fixed  the  number 
of  men  for  each  tower  at  twenty.  Two  of  these  twenty 
men  remained  day  and  night  on  the  platform,  the  day 

D 2 


36 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


and  the  night  being  each  divided  into  four  parts  ; there 
were  eight  men  on  duty  during  the  day  and  eight  during 
the  night  Of  the  four  remaining,  the  first  was  consti- 
tuted chief  of  the  tower  ; the  second  was  intrusted  with 
the  stores,  and  the  distribution  of  food  and  munitions; 
the  third  was  to  be  at  the  disposal  of  the  chief  of  the 
tower,  to  carry  messages  and  seek  for  help  in  case  o( 
need  ; and  the  business  of  the  fourth  was  to  repair  the 
injuries  caused  to  the  defences  in  the  event  of  an  attack. 

As  the  circumvallation  measured  four  thousand  five 
hundred  paces,  and  the  towers  were  one  hundred  paces 
apart,  there  were  forty-five  towers,  including  the  stronger 
and  loftier  ones  placed  on  the  two  sides  of  the  entrances 
Nine  hundred  men  sufficed  to  guard  them.  Sigild  had 
taken  the  precaution  of  having  a store  of  timber  and 
branches  brought  within  the  inclosure  of  the  Oppidum. 
By  his  care  the  wells  had  been  deepened,  and  a trench 
dug  outside  the  ramparts,  towards  the  north.  In  addition 
to  the  flocks  that  habitually  grazed  within  the  camp,  a 
great  number  of  cattle  had  been  brought  by  the  fugitives 
to  the  plateau.  But  it  would  not  have  been  possible  to 
feed  all  these  animals  if  stores  of  fodder  had  not  been 
laid  in  beforehand.  Accordingly,  great  stacks  of  grass 
had  been  placed  along  beside  the  rampart,  thatched  with 
reeds. 

Between  the  towers  the  guarding  of  the  ramparts  was 
intrusted  to  a thousand  men,  put  under  the  order  of  fifty- 
three  chiefs  ; the  two  entrances  were  under  the  command 
of  warriors  of  tried  courage,  and  well  known  to  Sigild. 

This  garrison,  consisting  of  about  two  thousand  men, 
had  long  been  settled  in  the  camp,  and  had  partly 
executed  the  work  of  its  fortification.  As  to  the  fugi- 
tives, they  might  have  amounted  to  twelve  thousand  ; 
and  out  of  this  number  two  thousand  at  least  were  able 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


37 


to  fight,  were  provided  with  arms,  and  had  been  habitu- 
ated to  endurance. 

In  place  of  the  original  huts,  which  had  fallen  to  decay, 
Sigild  had  formed  a kind  of  halles , or  vast  sheds.  There 
were  eight  of  these  sheds;  one  for  every  tribe.  In  front 
of  each  were  disposed,  at  regular  distances,  circular 
fire-places,  formed  with  flat  stones,  and  intended  for 
cooking.  As  soon  as  the  sun  appeared  above  the  hori- 
zon a confused  sound  of  voices  succeeded  to  the  silence 
which  had  gradually  fallen  upon  the  plateau.  But  Sigild 
had  not  lost  time  during  the  night.  Orders  had  been 
given  to  his  trusty  followers;  eight  mounted  chiefs,  fol- 
lowed by  armed  men,  went  among  the  multitude  of 
fugitives,  and  pointed  out  to  each  tribe  the  locality  that 
had  been  assigned  it.  Whether  through  lassitude,  or  from 
a sense  of  danger,  the  multitude  obeyed,  and  towards  the 
middle  of  the  day  the  camp  had  ceased  to  present  the 
appearance  of  disorder  it  exhibited  the  evening  before. 
Around  the  sheds,  which  were  insufficient  for  such  a 
number  of  families,  might  be  seen  men  making  huts  with 
branches.  The  larger  animals  were  fastened  to  stakes, 
and  browsed  on  the  grass  which  had  not  been  too  much 
trodden  ; the  sheep  were  folded,  and  the  women  were 
preparing  the  day’s  repast  ; in  every  quarter  the  children 
were  running  about,  and  seemed  to  enjoy  this  new  life. 
As  to  the  warriors,  they  silently  kept  watch  on  the  ram- 
parts and  the  towers. 

In  the  morning  the  valley  was  filled  with  a thick  mist, 
and  the  hills  were  visible  on  either  side  above  it  ; upon 
their  ridges  was  no  sign  of  the  enemy,  and  from  the 
white  vapour  which  hid  the  valley,  not  a sound  issued. 
Had  the  enemy  withdrawn?  Was  it  a false  alarm? 

From  the  camp  the  course  of  the  river  was  scarcely 
distinguishable  beneath  the  thick  cloud  of  mist  which 


38 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


covered  it.  Towards  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the 
day  Sigild  sent  out  a detachment  of  a hundred  men, 
with  orders  to  explore  the  bridge  and  the  banks  of  the 
river  and  rivulet.  If  no  enemy  appeared  they  were  to 
follow  the  course  of  the  latter  and  to  reconnoitre  towards 
the  north;  they  were  to  avoid  engaging  with  the  enemy 
Ten  men  were  to  remain  upon  the  bridge  to  collect 
brushwood,  and  set  fire  to  it  the  moment  they  saw  the 
enemy  in  the  valley.  Gradually  the  fog  dispersed,  and 
at  noon  the  sun  shone  out  in  all  its  splendour  through  the 
whole  extent  of  the  valley.  Nothing  broke  the  silence,  the 
air  was  still,  and  in  the  distance,  cattle  that  had  been  for- 
gotten were  seen  quietly  grazing.  Many  of  the  fugitives 
washed  to  leave  the  camp  and  return  to  their  houses,  with 
a view  to  remaining  there,  or  to  fetch  articles  which  they 
had  been  unable  to  bring  away.  Sigild  doubled  the 
posts  at  the  gates,  with  orders  not  to  let  any  one  go  out 
He  went  from  one  to  another,  trying  to  make  the  people 
understand  that  the  enemy,  far  from  withdrawing,  was 
only  waiting  an  occasion  to  seize  the  unwary  who 
attempted  to  return  to  their  homes.  “ They  are  in 
ambush,”  he  urged  ; “ they  hope  that  you  will  relapse  into 
security  and  will  become  their  prey  without  a struggle  ; 
for  though  they  covet  your  goods,  they  are  still  more 
anxious  to  get  posesssion  of  your  persons  : they  will 
carry  you  off  to  sell  you,  your  wives  and  your  children, 
as  slaves  among  the  nations  beyond  the  mountains.” 
Despite  this  warning,  however,  a great  number  were 
crowding  towards  the  points  of  exit,  and  the  armed  men 
had  hard  work  to  keep  the  multitude  back,  when  there 
arrived  at  the  eastern  entrance  fifty  of  the  warriors  sent 
by  Sigild  to  reconnoitre.  They  were  covered  with  mud 
and  sweat.  When  interrogated  by  the  Brenn,  they  said 
that  about  three  thousand  paces  from  the  camp,  towards 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


29 


the  north,  among  the  woods,  and  although  they  were 
proceeding  cautiously,  they  saw  themselves  all  at  once 
surrounded  by  the  enemy  : that  many  of  them  had  been 
killed  or  captured  ; that  they  owed  their  escape  only  to 
their  knowledge  of  the  neighbourhood,  and  that  they 
effected  it  by  rushing  into  a narrow  ravine  filled  with 
underwood  and  decayed  trunks  of  trees,  and  leading 
down  to  the  rivulet,  not  far  from  the  camp.  “ Your  chief 
is  killed?”  said  the  Brenn.  “ We  do  not  know.”  “ You  left 
him  behind  you  !”  “ We  had  orders  to  avoid  any  engage- 

ment.” “You  have  not  abandoned  your  arms?”  “We 
have  our  arms.”  “ Go  and  take  rest.”  In  an  instant  the 
entrances  were  clear,  and  the  crowd  returned  in  silence 
to  its  camping  grounds. 

Sigild  then  went  to  the  northern  end  of  the  camp  ; lie 
looked  long  through  the  depths  of  the  forest  ; then  1 e 
summoned  to  this  front  five  hundred  armed  men  from  the 
tribes,  besides  those  who  were  at  their  post  ; he  stationed 
them  behind  the  parapet,  and  ordered  them  to  keep  silence. 
He  went  into  each  of  the  towers  raised  on  that  side,  and 
spoke  in  a low  voice  to  each  of  the  chiefs.  Then  all  at 
once  a shout  arose  from  the  southern  side  of  the  plateau 
The  Brenn  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  off  hastily  in  that 
direction  ; but  on  his  way  he  was  told  that  the  bridge  was 
on  fire,  and  that  the  ten  warriors  stationed  there  were 
coming  in  by  the  western  gate. 

“You  have  seen  the  enemy  ?”  said  Sigild,  when  the  ten 
warriors  made  their  appearance.  “ We  have  seen  them  : 
they  were  advancing  in  a strong  body  towards  the  bridge, 
endeavouring  to  screen  themselves  behind  the  reeds  and 
willows.”  Then  Sigild  selected  a hundred  men  from  among 
his  best  warriors,  and  posted  them  on  the  slopes  of  the 
plateau  outside  the  western  gate,  ordering  them  to  pile 
up  underwood  and  trunks  of  trees  in  the  sunken  road,  to 


40 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


keep  behind  on  the  banks,  and  not  use  their  bows  and 
slings  till  they  saw  the  enemy  near  the  barricade  ; and 
if  they  attempted  an  assault  on  this  point  in  a considerable 
body,  to  retire  within  and  occupy  the  ramparts,  helping 
those  intrusted  with  their  defence.  In  reality,  however, 
the  Brenn  did  not  anticipate  any  serious  attack  on  that 
side,  which  was  difficult  of  approach.  He  thought  the 
enemy  would  not  attempt  an  assault  with  a river  at  their 
back,  even  should  they  succeed  in  crossing  it.  His  attention 
was  once  more  directed  to  the  north.  On  this  side,  in 
fact,  the  camp  is  separated  only  by  a slight  hollow  from 
the  adjacent  plateau,  which  widens  and  affords  space  for 
the  gathering  of  a large  number  of  troops,  and  a secure 
retreat  in  case  of  failure.  He  had  also  ascertained 
that  the  enemy  already  occupied  the  wide,  forest-covered 
plateau. 

Sigild  again  rode  through  the  whole  length  of  the  camp 
at  a walking  pace,  uttering  here  and  there  words  of  en- 
couragement whenever  he  encountered  looks  of  alarm. 
His  calmness,  his  frank  and  agreeable  expression,  reassured 
the  most  timid.  Night  fell  by  the  time  he  reached  the 
ramparts  on  the  northern  side.  Silence  still  reigned  in 
the  woods.  When  it  was  quite  dark,  some  boys  were  let 
down  by  his  orders  over  the  parapet,  loaded  with  bundles 
of  straw  and  dry  grass  ; their  instructions  were  to  untie 
these  bundles  in  the  ditch  sunk  at  this  point  at  the  foot 
of  the  escarpment.  Then  with  the  help  of  poles  held 
down  to  them  the  children  climbed  back  again.  Sigild 
allowed  only  a few  small  fires  to  be  lighted,  screened  by 
the  height  of  the  rampart,  and  all  awaited  the  issue.  The 
Brenn  walked  about  conversing  in  a low  voice  with  some 
of  his  trusty  men,  and  the  warriors  standing  around  the 
smouldering  fires,  which  threw  a red  glare  upon  them, 
exchanged  only  a few  low  and  hurried  words.  Now  and 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


4i 


then  a laugh  escaped,  but  it  was  immediately  stifled. 
The  guard  of  the  rampart  had  orders  to  keep  a good 
look  out,  and  if  they  perceived  the  enemy,  to  raise  no 
cry.  They  were  to  give  the  alarm  only  by  throwing  clods 
of  turf  on  the  fires.  They  were  not  to  show  their  heads 
above  the  wattle  parapet.  The  night  was  clear,  but  there 
was  no  moon. 

At  the  middle  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  night  one  of 
the  chiefs  came  down  from  the  rampart  walk  and  ap- 
proached the  Brenn. 

“The  enemy  are  coming,”  said  he 

“ W iat  proof  hast  thou  ? ” 

“ I heard  the  cracking  of  dead  branches.”  Sigild 
ascended  the  rampart  surrounded  by  several  warriors 
“To  your  posts  ! ” he  said,  in  a low  voice.  That  very 
moment  some  clods  of  earth  fell  u >on  the  fires,  scattering 
a shower  of  sparks. 

Sigild  and  the  watchmen  had  observed  certain  forms 
of  a whitish  appearance  that  seemed  to  be  creeping  to- 
wards the  counterscarp.  Some  of  them  let  themselves 
down  into  the  ditch,  and  pushing  one  another  up  scaled 
the  escarpment  ; they  succeeded  in  reaching  the  wattling 
Hearing  no  sound  inside,  they  turned  round  and  helped 
up  others.  When  about  fifty  were  at  the  top  of  the 
escarpment,  poles  were  handed  to  them  furnished  with 
hooks,  which  they  fixed  into  the  wattling  : then  those  who 
had  remained  on  the  counterscarp  pulled  the  poles  with 
all  their  force. 

The  wattling  gave  way,  and  the  assailants  rushed  on  to 
the  rampart  walk.  Thrust  back  by  the  swords  of  the 
defenders,  the  greater  number  rolled  down  to  the  bottom 
of  the  fosse.  Then,  in  accordance  with  the  orders  of  the 
Brenn,  flaming  brands  were  thrown  among  the  straw 
placed  at  the  bottom  of  the  ditch  ; it  took  fire,  and, 


42 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


spreading  a bright  light,  brought  into  view  a broad  front 
of  enemies.  From  the  summits  of  the  towers  the  slings 
and  bows  discharged  a shower  of  stones  and  arrows  upon 
them.  Many  of  the  defenders  were  preparing  to  cross  the 
debris  of  the  wattling  ?nd  get  down  the  escarpment  to 
throw  themselves  upon  the  enemy,  but  the  Brenn  stopped 
them,  threatening  with  death  any  who  should  quit  the 
rampart.  The  surprise  had  failed,  and  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy  wavered  and  retired  out  of  range  of  the  missiles. 

The  Brenn,  however,  caused  the  wattling  to  be  repaired 
as  far  as  circumstances  allowed,  and  doubled  the  ranks 
of  the  defenders  on  the  rampart,  as  well  to  present  a firm 
front  to  the  assailants  as  to  hold  back  the  men  of  the 
foremost  rank  whom  the  enemy  should  seek  to  pull  down 
into  the  ditch.  Besides  this,  he  formed  between  each 
tower  small  bodies  of  twenty  men,  who  were  to  hasten 
to  the  weak  points  and  to  hurl  down  any  of  the  assail- 
ants who  should  gain  a footing  on  the  rampart.  Then 
he  sent  some  of  his  trusty  men  on  horseback  to  the 
eastern  and  western  fronts,  to  convey  intelligence,  or  to 
give  warning  in  the  event  of  attacks  being  made  on  several 
points  at  once. 

Scarcely  were  these  measures  taken  when  the  enemy 
were  seen  returning  in  considerable  strength  to  the  ditch  ; 
with  loud  cries  they  rushed  up  the  escarpment.  They 
were  warmly  received,  and  the  ditch  was  being  filled  with 
the  dead  and  wounded,  facilitating  the  passage  of  those 
who  followed,  especially  as  many  bore  fascines.  After  two 
attempts  the  assailants  gained  a footing  on  one  of  the 
ramparts  ; but  the  reserve  bodies  attacked  them  in  front, 
while  the  men  from  the  towers  issuing  right  and  left  took 
them  in  flank. 

Whether  the  lighted  straw  had  not  been  quite  ex- 
tinguished, or  the  besieged  had  thrown  more  burning 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


43 


brands  into  the  ditch,  some  fascines  took  fire,  burning  the 
wounded,  who  uttered  the  most  dreadful  cries. 

The  attack  languished,  and  at  length  the  leaders  of  the 
besieging  host  gave  the  signal  for  retreat. 

A certain  number  of  the  assailants  had  remained  alive 
in  the  power  of  the  besieged,  and  Sigild  gave  orders  that 
they  should  be  guarded  and  not  put  to  death.  As  to  the 
wounded  lying  within  the  ramparts,  they  were  killed. 

Towards  the  middle  of  the  night  fires  were  seen  to  be 
lighted  in  the  woods,  about  a thousand  paces  from  the 
camp.  The  besieged  had  lost  a few  men  only,  but  the 
ditch  was  filled  with  the  enemy’s  dead  and  wounded.  The 
groans  of  the  latter  were  the  only  interruption  to  the  quiet 
of  the  night. 

Sigild  slept  not  ; he  kept  half  the  warriors  on  vigorous 
guard  during  the  third  quarter  of  the  night,  and  the  other 
half  during  the  last  quarter. 

Those  who  were  not  on  guard  slept  around  the  fires 
The  Brenn,  when  the  assault  was  over,  had  sent  messengers 
to  the  chiefs  of  the  eight  tribes  to  acquaint  them  with  the 
happy  result  of  this  first  engagement. 

At  break  of  day  the  Brenn  had  the  prisoners  brought 
before  him.  Two  or  three  of  them  spoke  the  language  of 
the  valley,  but  with  a foreign  accent. 

Clothed  in  drawers  laced  around,  and  a tunic  of  undyed 
wool,  with  a broad  strap  which  served  them  for  a girdle, 
they  looked  not  unlike  some  of  those  merchants  who  occa- 
sionally came  into  the  valley  to  barter  yellow  amber  and 
bronze  for  corn,  cheese,  tanned  hides,  and  wool.  “ Why  do 
you  come  to  attack  us?”  said  Sigild.  “We  have  been 
driven  from  the  lands  we  have  nhabited  from  the  most 
ancient  times,  by  hordes  from  the  north.  These  men 
have  killed  many  of  us,  taken  away  our  wives,  and  mur- 
dered our  children:  the  stronger  among  us  have  combined 


44 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


together,  and  crossing  a wide  river  on  rafts,  we  have  tra- 
velled onwards  towards  the  setting  sun,  seeking  a home. 
Two  days’  journey  from  this  spot  we  were  told  that  this 
country  is  good  and  can  afford  sustenance  to  many  ; so  we 
have  come  hither. 

“ When  our  chiefs  saw  that  you  shut  yourselves  up  in  this 
place,  regarding  us  as  enemies,  they  told  us  we  must  first 
make  ourselves  masters  of  the  camp.  We  obeyed.  We 
are  only  doing  to  you  what  has  been  done  to  us.”  “ Why 
not  have  sent  some  of  your  number  to  ask  of  us  what  you 
required?”  “I  do  not  know.”  “You  have  come  as  ene- 
mies, and  as  enemies  we  have  received  you.  How  many 
are  you?”  “A  great  many.”  “ Go  seek  your  chiefs  and 
tell  them  that  if  by  nightfall  their  entire  host  have  not 
quitted  the  land  of  Avon,  the  captives  we  have  made  here 
shall  suffer.”  “ I will  not  go.”  “ Why  ? ” “ Because  our 

chiefs  will  not  leave  this  land.  Put  us  to  death  ; for  if  any 
of  your  party  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  our  men,  they 
are  doomed  to  death  to  avenge  our  comrades  killed  this 
night.”  “Good.”  Sigild  ordered  that  the  captives  should 
be  fettered  till  he  had  decided  on  their  fate. 

The  Brenn  was  very  anxious  that  the  enemy  should 
take  up  a position  towards  the  north,  opposite  to  the  weak 
point  of  the  Oppidum.  Accordingly  he  was  continually 
reconnoitring  on  the  eastern  and  western  fronts  as  far  as 
the  river  and  the  other  side  of  the  rivulet,  to  prevent  the 
besiegers  from  establishing  themselves  in  either  quarter. 
Upon  the  steep  sides  of  the  plateau,  opposite  the  burnt 
bridge,  Sigild  had  placed  a small  camp  guarded  by  two 
hundred  men.  The  reconnoitring  parties,  which  he  sent 
out  in  large  numbers,  had  orders  to  bring  back  into  the 
camp  all  the  fodder  and  strayed  cattle  they  could  find, 
engaging  the  enemy  only  when  they  encountered  them  in 
small  bodie  . 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE . 


45 


But  the  invaders  did  not  seem  to  be  contemplating 
another  assault.  They  took  up  their  quarters  in  the 
woods  to  the  north  and  on  the  slopes  of  the  hills,  right 
and  left,  leaving  between  them  and  the  camp  the  river 
and  the  rivulet  ; marauding  parties  might  also  be  seen  in 
the  valley,  foraging,  and  pillaging  the  deserted  dwellings. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  destroyed  bridge  they  formed  a 
wide  palisading  strengthened  by  barricading  of  timber  ; 
and  two  days  afterwards  they  had  constructed  a floating 
bridge  on  the  river,  formed  with  trunks  of  trees  fastened 
together  and  kept  in  place  by  a kind  of  dam  made  with 
piles  of  timber  fixed  in  the  bed  of  the  river  and  inclined 
up  the  stream. 

It  was  evident  that  the  besiegers  were  in  no  hurry  ; that 
they  were  living  upon  the  provisions  left  in  the  valley  ; 
and  that  it  was  their  intention  to  reduce  the  besieged 
by  famine. 

In  fact  the  inhabitants  of  the  Val  d’Avon  had  been  able 
to  carry  with  them  only  a small  quantity  of  provisions. 
They  had  their  cattle,  but  these  being  badly  fed  and 
crowded  together  were  dying  in  great  numbers  ; the  cows 
ceased  to  give  milk,  and  the  store  of  forage  was  rapidly 
diminishing. 

On  the  sixth  day  of  the  investment,  the  chiefs  of  the 
tribes  proposed  to  the  Brenn  to  cut  their  way  through  the 
enemy’s  lines  while  their  men  still  preserved  their  strength 
entire,  and  not  to  wait  till  the  utter  failure  of  provisions 
should  place  them  at  the  mercy  of  the  invaders.  Of 
course  the  Brenn  opposed  this  proposition,  declaring  that 
the  day  of  deliverance  would  come,  and  that  they  must 
have  patience.  Nevertheless  it  was  of  great  consequence 
to  him  that  the  enemy  should  concentrate  his  forces  on 
the  northern  side.  Accordingly,  one  evening  at  nightfall,  he 
collected  two  bodies  of  men,  one  at  the  eastern,  the  other 


46 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


at  the  western  gate.  He  had  observed  that  the  enemy 
used  to  prepare  their  morning  meal  just  before  noon,  and 
that  of  the  evening  at  sunset.  After  the  evening  repast 
they  were  heard  singing  and  shouting. 

When  the  opportune  moment  arrived  he  divided  each  of 
his  bodies  into  two.  The  first  two  halves  were  to  march 
along  the  ramparts  parallel  to  one  another  till  they  reached 
the  woods  ; there  they  were  to  rush  on  the  two  flanks  of 
the  besiegers’  outposts  ; they  were  not  to  prolong  the 
attack,  but  to  fall  back  with  all  speed  to  the  northern 
salient  of  the  Oppidum.  An  issue  would  be  open  at  this 
point.  In  the  meantime,  the  two  other  halves  would  unite, 
provided  with  stakes,  before  this  salient,  where,  with  the  aid 
of  palisading,  they  would  make  an  advanced  work  (Fig.  7). 
and  then  fall  back  one  hundred  paces  to  the  right  and  left. 


The  men  who  guarded  the  north  front  had  orders  to  cut 
an  opening  in  the  rampart  twenty  paces  wide,  and  to  throw 
fascines  and  clods  of  turf  into  the  ditch,  and  have  wattles 
ready  to  close  the  opening  instantly. 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE . 


47 


The  first  two  detachments,  therefore,  set  out  in  silence  ; 
that  on  the  western  side  left  a little  before  the  one  on  the 
east,  so  as  to  arrive  at  the  same  time  on  the  enemy’s  flank- 
The  two  other  detachments  preceded  them,  and  stationing 
themselves  at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Oppidum, 
drove  in  their  stakes  according  to  the  instructions  given, 
and  then  fell  back  to  right  and  left.  A fine  autumnal 
rain  was  falling,  and  the  ground  was  slippery.  Some 
time  elapsed  before  the  two  detachments  found  them- 
selves in  sight  of  the  enemy’s  camp.  The  besiegers  had 
no  outposts  ; but  their  army  encamped  in  front  of 
the  Oppidum,  and  at  a distance  of  about  six  hundred 
paces  from  it,  was  intrenched  behind  barricades  of 
timber  ; the  intrenchment  presented  an  extended  front. 
Their  men  might  be  seen  around  the  fires,  talking  loudly, 
singing,  and  drinking  cider  and  mead,  of  which  they  had 
found  abundance  in  the  houses  of  the  valley.  An  attack 
on  this  front  was  not  to  be  thought  of  ; they  must  get 
round  it.  So  the  two  detachments  separated  farther  and 
farther  from  each  other,  and  advanced  with  the  greatest 
difficulty  along  the  bogs  and  under  the  woods  in  mo- 
mentary fear  of  being  seen  by  the  enemy.  At  length 
the  one  which  was  manoeuvring  on  the  right  reached  the 
end  of  the  front,  got  under  cover,  and  awaited  the  signal, 
which  was  to  be  given  by  the  one  on  the  left  by  the  blow- 
ing of  a horn  ; for  the  Brenn  had  calculated  that  the 
former  would  reach  the  extremity  of  the  front  before  the 
latter. 

The  time,  however,  was  getting  on,  and  Sigild,  who  had 
advanced  with  several  warriors  on  horseback  along  the 
verge  of  the  wood,  still  heard  nothing.  He  sent  twro  of 
his  warriors  to  ascertain  where  the  two  detachments 
were  ; they  had  great  difficulty  in  making  their  way 
through  the  wood,  while  the  enemy’s  fires,  which  they 


48 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


saw  in  the  distance  through  the  trees,  only  added  to 
their  difficulties,  by  preventing  them  from  seeing  the 
ground  they  were  riding  over.  The  right  front  of  the 
enemy  towards  the  river  formed  a lengthened  curve,  and 
the  left  detachment  kept  advancing  parallel  with  the 
front  without  finding  a point  of  attack. 

Midnight  had  passed  when  this  detachment  found  itself 
at  last  before  an  opening  left  in  the  barricade,  but  this 
opening  formed  an  interior  angle,  which  rendered  the 
attack  very  hazardous.  The  detachment  waited  until  all 
was  silent  in  the  camp.  The  fires,  fed  only  at  irregular 
intervals,  cast  here  and  there  a fluctuating  light,  and 
fewer  shadows  were  passing  before  the  braziers. 

One  of  the  warriors  sent  by  Sigild  was  approaching  ; 
he  considered  that  the  attack  on  this  point  should  not  be 
deferred,  and  that  the  enemy  must  be  surprised  during 
his  first  sleep. 

One  of  the  men  gave  the  signal  agreed  upon,  and  the 
troops  rushed  through  the  opening,  slaying  all  before 
them  with  terriflc  shouts,  scattering  the  fires  and  forming 
in  triangle,  so  as  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  getting  round 
them.  They  did  not  proceed  very  far,  for  at  the  cries 
of  the  assailants  and  of  the  wounded,  men  were  seen 
to  rise  up  on  every  side  and  hasten  towards  the  point  of 
attack.  The  little  troop  then  closed,  and  ceasing  to  ad- 
vance, turned  and  fled  back  towards  the  Oppidum,  follow- 
ing the  verge  of  the  wood  along  the  steep  banks  of  the 
river.  A long-continued  shout  was  then  heard  on  the 
enemy’s  left  ; the  attack  had  begun  on  that  side  also. 

Whether  the  enemy,  which  had  started  in  pursuit  of 
the  left  detachment,  had  succeeded  in  getting  round  it, 
or  whether  the  detachment  itself  lost  its  way  in  the 
darkness,  it  was  unable  to  regain  the  plateau  in  time,  and 
continued  to  follow  the  course  of  the  river. 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


49 


As  to  the  troop  detached  on  the  right,  being  less  distant 
from  the  Oppidum,  directly  it  found  itself  pressed  by  a 
numerous  body  of  the  enemy,  it  retired  in  good  order, 
and  went  direct  to  the  angle  of  the  intrenchments,  as 
had  been  arranged,  hotly  pursued  by  the  crowd  of  be- 
siegers. At  the  same  time  most  of  the  enemy’s  forces 
that  had  started  in  pursuit  of  the  left  detachment  were 
coming  on  the  ground. 

The  Brenn  had  anticipated  the  contingency  of  the  attack 
which  he  had  arranged  not  succeeding  in  every  point. 
Despite  the  darkness,  he  saw  that  his  people  were  not 
in  advance,  as  they  ought  to  have  been,  of  the  hostile 
warriors  who  were  making  their  appearance  on  his  left  ; 
he  therefore  quickly  retired  within  the  outwork  of  stakes 
which  had  been  formed  by  his  orders,  and  commanded 
the  straw  fires  to  be  lighted. 

The  two  detachments  in  ambuscade  to  the  right  and 
left  outside  the  rampart  had  orders  to  refrain  from  attack 
till  a signal  agreed  upon  had  been  given.  At  the  barrier 
of  stakes,  then,  there  arrived  at  the  same  time  the  right 
detachment  in  flight,  that  portion  of  the  enemy  who  were 
in  close  pursuit  of  them,  and  those  who  were  looking  for 
the  errant  left  detachment. 

A great  number  entered  pell-mell  into  the  triangular 
space  formed  by  the  stakes.  It  became  the  scene  of  an  in- 
describable mêlée  ; those  who  were  defending  the  wattling 
which  closed  the  breach  dared  not  make  any  openings 
for  their  brethren-in-arrns  whom  they  saw  engaged  with 
the  enemy.  The  Brenn  struck  into  the  midst  of  the  crowd 
trying  to  rally  his  men.  He  succeeded  in  cutting  his  way 
up  to  the  wattling,  against  which  he  leaned  his  back  ; 
and  the  warriors  of  the  right  detachment  being  encouraged 
by  his  example,  presented  a head  to  the  enemy,  whose 
numbers,  howrever,  continually  augmented.  A few  minutes 

E 


50 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


more  and  they  would  have  been  swept  down  by  the  mul- 
titude of  the  assailants  ; the  last  comers  were  urging  on 
those  in  front  of  them,  and  the  wattling  and  the  warriors 
who  defended  it  would  have  been  borne  down  by  the 
tide.  The  Brenn,  with  his  long  sword,  was  making  a 
circle  of  dead  and  wounded  around  him.  Then  shouting 
over  the  parapet  to  give  the  signal,  the  sound  of  trumpets 
arose  above  the  yells  of  the  combatants.  The  enemy 
seemed  to  hesitate  for  a moment;  then,  closing  into  a 
compact  body,  they  rushed  upon  the  barricade,  which 
gave  way  as  if  swept  by  a torrent. 

At  the  same  instant  loud  shouts  were  heard  on  each 
of  the  enemy’s  flanks  ; the  two  troops  in  ambuscade 
attacked  the  confused  column  outside  the  rampart.  . . . 

The  combat  did  not  cease  until  daybreak.  Those  of 
the  enemies  who  had  succeeded  in  penetrating  into  the 
Oppidum  were  killed  or  captured.  The  triangle  of 
broken  stakes  was  strewn  in  every  direction  with  the 
dead.  The  enemy,  disconcerted  by  the  two  simultaneous 
flank  attacks,  and  finding  himself  cut  in  two,  was  no 
longer  able  in  the  darkness  to  concert  an  assault,  and 
retired.  Nevertheless,  those  who  had  been  taken  in  the 
outwork  and  at  the  gap  of  the  Oppidum  fought  obsti- 
nately to  the  last,  and  the  captives  who  were  driven  before 
the  Brenn  were  all  more  less  severely  wounded. 

Sigild  was  covered  with  blood  and  dirt  ; his  great  black 
horse  had  been  killed  in.  the  last  mêlée , and  he  himself 
had  been  trampled  on. 

He  ascended  the  nearest  tower,  and  saw  that  the  enemy 
remained  not  far  off  ; they  were  forming  a contravallation 
of  barricading  three  hundred  paces  from  the  Oppidum. 
Their  attitude  was  threatening,  and  it  was  to  be  feared 
that  they  meditated  another  attack.  The  Brenn,  there- 
fore, had  the  gap  immediately  repaired  and  the  parapet 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


51 


strengthened  with  strong  stakes  about  two  feet  apart. 
Besides  this,  he  sunk  a second  ditch  with  intrenchment 
in  a concave  line,  within  the  northern  salient  of  the  Oppi- 
dum. This  intrenchment  could  not  be  seen  from  without. 
He  contrived  an  egress  at  either  end  against  a tower. 
The  object  was  attained  ; the  enemy  was  concentrating 
himself  in  front  of  the  weak  salient  of  the  Oppidum,  and 
was  drawing  nearer.  The  defenders,  however,  ignorant  of 
the  motives  which  had  induced  the  Brenn  to  attempt  the 
hazardous  sortie  of  the  previous  night,  shook  their  heads 
and  appeared  anxious.  If  two  or  three  hundred  of  the 
enemy  had  been  killed,  they  had  lost  nearly  as  many. 

The  women  whose  husbands  were  dead  were  filling  the 
camp  with  their  lamentations.  Yet  it  was  essential  that 
Sigild  should  possess  the  confidence  of  his  brethren  in 
arms  till  the  dénoûment  he  had  prepared  should  arrive. 
He  called  together  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes.  “You  see 
plainly, ” said  he,  “ that  we  cannot  break  through  the  lines 
which  inclose  the  camp.  The  enemy  are  very  numerous 
and  daring,  and  not  to  be  disconcerted.  Besides,  can  we 
think  of  leaving  here  the  aged,  the  women,  and  the 
children  to  become  their  prey  ! It  is  very  certain  that 
even  if  a troop  of  brave  warriors  could  cut  their  way 
through  such  a host  of  enemies,  the  women,  the  aged,  and 
the  children  could  not  follow  them. 

“ My  object  in  the  sortie  of  last  night  was  to  force  the 
enemy  to  concentrate  all  his  forces  towards  the  north  ; 
which  he  will  be  all  the  more  disposed  to  do,  as  it  is  the 
weakest  point  of  the  Oppidum.  When  we  have  thus 
drawn  him  to  that  side,  obliging  him  to  withdraw  from 
the  hill-sides,  we  will  go  down  on  a dark  night  into  the 
valley,  cross  the  river  by  a bridge  which  I shall  have  in 
readiness  and  which  fifty  men  will  be  able  to  put  in  place, 
and  fly  towards  the  river.  When  we  find  that  we  have  no 


E 2 


52 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


more  provisions  left  than  we  are  able  to  take  with  us, 
friends  with  whom  I am  in  communication  will  guide  us 
to  some  neighbouring  tribes  of  our  race,  and  who  will  give 
us  a hearty  welcome,  because  they  want  help  in  cultivating 
the  broad  lands  they  possess.  You  may  therefore  bid  the 
tribes  and  the  warriors  take  courage  : every  contingency 
is  provided  for.  But  if  the  plan  is  to  succeed,  we  must 
not  allow  the  enemy  a moment’s  peace  while  we  remain 
here." 

Having  nothing  better  to  suggest,  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes 
appeared  to  put  faith  in  Sigild’s  words.  His  confident  air, 
his  good  looks,  the  energy  he  displayed,  and  the  care  he 
took  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  everything,  con- 
tinued to  secure  for  him  the  sympathy  of  the  unfortunate 
refugees. 

In  the  little  camp  above  the  burnt  bridge  he  had,  in 
accordance  with  the  plan  stated,  some  light  rafts  made 
which  could  be  readily  fastened  together.  He  went 
frequently  to  see  the  work,  and  appeared  to  attach  great 
importance  to  it.  He  ordered  that  the  captives  who  were 
badly  wounded  should  be  killed  ; the  others  taken  in  the 
last  engagement  were  supplied  with  food  in  abundance. 
Confined  in  a sort  of  pit  surrounded  by  stakes,  they  could 
not  observe  what  was  going  on  in  the  camp.  Well  guarded 
in  the  daytime,  they  were  by  Sigild’s  orders  scarcely 
watched  during  the  night,  on  the  supposition  that  some 
would  contrive  to  escape  and  would  make  the  enemy 
believe  that  there  was  no  scarcity  of  provisions,  which  was 
exactly  what  happened.  One  night,  three  of  the  stoutest 
captives  succeeded  in  getting  out  of  the  pit,  and  gliding 
along  the  ramparts,  regained  the  besieger’s  camp.  Then 
Sigild  had  the  others  killed. 

Of  the  warriors  not  engaged  in  guarding  the  ramparts, 
the  Brenn  had  formed  four  corps  of  three  to  five  hundred 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


53 


men  each  ; and  at  certain  times  of  the  day  and  night  he 
sent  them  down  by  one  or  other  of  the  gates  to  harass  the 
enemy  on  one  side  of  his  camp,  or  at  both  sides  at  once. 
Neither  party  suffered  much  loss  in  these  skirmishes,  whose 
only  result  was  to  keep  the  besiegers  in  constant  suspense, 
to  weary  them  and  oblige  them  to  concentrate  their  forces. 
It  was  also  evident  that  the  enemy  were  preparing  for  a 
general  assault.  They  were  seen  accumulating  faggots, 
cutting  long  poles,  and  making  wicker  screens. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  siege  only 
a few  scattered  parties  were  seen  on  the  surrounding  hills, 
while  in  the  valley  the  palisading  formed  opposite  to  the 
ruined  bridge  and  the  raft  bridge  were  alone  still  occupied 
by  a considerable  number  of  troops.  “ It  is  certain,”  said 
Sigild,  to  the  chiefs  of  the  tribes,  “ that  the  enemy  is 
preparing  to  attack  us.  We  must  resist  this  assault  with 
vigour,  and  then  we  will  take  advantage  of  his  exhaus- 
tion and  disorder  to  carry  out  our  plan  of  flight.”  The 
besieger’s  preparations  appeared  formidable,  and  the  camp 
opposite  the  northern  salient  of  the  Oppidum  presented  a 
busy  scene.  Sigild  on  his  part  neglected  no  means  of 
resistance,  though  he  calculated  on  the  arrival  of  the  troops 
summoned  to  their  relief  in  the  evening.  He  had  the 
towers  well  supplied  with  stones  and  darts  : on  the  ram 
parts  he  strengthened  the  wattle  parapet,  and  increased 
the  number  of  inclines  for  reaching  it  easily. 

Both  sides  were  preparing  for  a decisive  conflict.  The 
intrenchment  made  behind  the  salient  was  wrell  manned, 
and  the  Brenn  trained  his  men  to  pass  out  in  a body 
through  the  two  egresses  formed  at  the  extremities  of  the 
intrenchment,  so  as  to  take  the  assailants  in  flank. 

That  day,  however,  passed  without  fighting.  At  sunset 
the  Brenn  ascended  one  of  the  towers,  and  attentively 
examined  the  horizon.  His  attendants  thought  he  was 


54 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


watching  the  movements  of  the  enemy  ; he  was,  in  fact, 
waiting  for  Tomar’s  signal.  The  night  passed,  and  no 
signal  appeared. 

Repressing  all  signs  of  the  serious  anxiety  that  had 
oppressed  him  through  this  tedious  night,  the  sun  had  no 
sooner  arisen  than  the  Brenn  disposed  his  men  at  the 
points  he  thought  likely  to  be  attacked. 

The  enemy  had  formed  in  two  large  bodies  three 
hundred  paces  from  the  Oppidum  ; they  had  aa  umu- 
lated  in  front  of  them  an  immense  quantity  of  faggots, 
beams,  and  wattles.  The  sun  was  already  high  above  the 
horizon  when  they  began  to  move.  First  came  a line  of 
warriors  under  cover  of  wicker  shields,  which  protected 
them  from  darts  and  stones. 

In  this  way  they  reached  the  counterscarp  of  the  ditch, 
despite  of  missiles  from  the  towers.  There  they  fixed 
the  wicker  shields,  and  behind  these  a great  number  oi 
the  enemy  bearing  faggots  gradually  posted  themselves. 
Then  over  this  screen  they  threw  a great  quantity  of 
these  faggots  into  the  ditch.  When  they  judged  that 
there  were  enough  of  them,  they  threw  flaming  brands 
upon  them. 

The  besieged  had  no  means  of  counteracting  this  kind 
of  attack.  They  showered  darts  and  stones  in  abundance 
upon  the  assailants,  but  only  wounded  a few  of  them  ; nor 
did  they  seem  to  mind  these  missiles.  The  wind  blew 
from  the  north-west.  The  faggots  were  soon  kindled, 
and  the  smoke  and  sparks  blinded  the  defenders  Three 
of  the  towers  took  fire,  as  well  as  the  wattling  of  the 
ramparts. 

Sigild,  calm  and  unmoved,  had  withdrawn  his  men 
behind  the  second  intrenchment.  “ The  enemy/’  said  he, 
•‘will  not  be  able  to  pass  till  all  is  consumed;  that  will 
take  time  ; let  him  mount  the  rampart  and  cry  victory 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE . 


55 


Then  will  be  our  time  for  action.”  In  fact,  the  green 
wood  burned  badly,  and  produced  much  smoke;  the 
besieged  threw  bushes  and  chips  on  the  red-hot  faggots 
to  feed  the  fire,  and  it  continued  burning.  The  enemy 
were  becoming  impatient  ; the  besieged  looked  on  cheer- 
fully. About  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  however,  the 
fire  went  out  at  some  points  ; the  besiegers  threw  earth 
and  trunks  of  trees  into  the  ditch,  and,  perceiving  no  de- 
fenders, thought  that  the  ramparts  being  intenable  were 
abandoned.  With  shouts  they  rushed  on  to  the  slopes, 
leaped  the  half-consumed  wattling,  and  meeting  with  no 
resistance,  descended  in  a close  body  into  the  camp  (Fig.  8) 


There  they  were  greeted  by  a sudden  shower  of  darts  and 
stones;  but  they  unhesitatingly  rushed  upon  the  intrench- 
ment,  which  presented  only  a slight  elevation  and  a 
shallow  ditch,  thinking  to  carry  it  easily. 

But  the  intrenchment  was  strong,  and  furnished  with 
thick  pointed  stakes.  The  assailants,  urging  forward  and 
aiding  each  other,  gained  its  ridge  ; they  were  received 


56 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


with  swords  and  pikes,  and  fell  back  dying  upon  their 
comrades  ; others  filled  their  places.  The  bodies  of  the 
wounded,  which  in  some  places  gradually  filled  up  the 
ditch,  afforded  them  a passage.  Many  of  the  enemy 
had  succeeded  in  throwing  themselves  into  the  midst  of 
the  defenders,  and  in  opening  deep  passages  among  them 
which  were  instantly  occupied  by  the  most  daring.  The 
deep  front  which  the  Brenn  had  formed  behind  the  in- 
trenchment  was  broken.  Then  it  was  that  he  unmasked 
the  two  egresses  at  the  extremities,  sending  out  from  both 
the  troops  of  chosen  warriors,  who,  keeping  close  along  the 
deserted  rampart,  fell  upon  the  dense  stream  of  assailants. 
So  compact  was  the  crowd,  and  so  great  the  pressure 
against  the  intrenchment,  that  they  had  scarcely  room  to 
move.  The  two  detachments  above  mentioned  were  mow- 
ing away  before  them  to  enable  them  to  advance.  But  the 
enemy  kept  pouring  in,  and  the  space  regained  was  imme- 
diately filled  with  fresh  assailants,  who,  disregarding  the 
attacks  on  their  flanks,  pushed  furiously  on  to  the  centre. 

The  bodies  of  the  slain  and  the  faggots  had  filled  the 
ditch  for  the  length  of  a hundred  paces,  and  the  loosened 
stakes  formed  but  a slight  protection  to  the  defenders. 
The  noise  of  the  attack  brought  a great  number  of  women 
hurrying  to  the  spot.  They  might  be  seen  with  bare  arms, 
raising  stones  above  their  heads,  and  hurling  them  with 
shrill  cries  against  the  breasts  of  the  assailants,  or  de- 
spatching the  wounded  that  had  fallen  inside  the  intrench- 
ment with  the  culinary  wooden  pestles  used  for  pounding 
herbs  and  flesh  in  hollow  stones.  A shout  was  raised,  the 
crowd  of  assailants  opened,  and  a hundred  men  were  seen 
steadily  advancing,  bearing  on  their  shoulders  an  enormous 
trunk  of  a tree,  and  surrounded  by  warriors  armed  with 
axes.  This  column  overthrowing  all  in  its  passage, 
whether  friend  or  foe,  made  a wide  lane  in  the  intrench- 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE, 


57 


ment,  strewn  with  dead  and  wounded.  The  beam  was 
already  more  than  half  way  through  on  the  inside  of  the 
defences  when  the  women  ran  in,  and  rushing  like  she- 
wolves  on  the  flanks  of  the  column,  passed  between  the 
warriors,  and  clung  to  the  legs  of  the  bearers.  The  enor- 
mous  beam  swayed,  toppled  over,  and  bore  down  in  its 
fall  both  assailants  and  defenders  by  its  vast  weight.  Sigild 
profiting  by  the  confusion,  then  dashed  into  the  breach, 
followed  by  a troop  of  warriors  which  he  had  not  without 
difficulty  kept  in  reserve.  In  his  return  he  cut  himself  a 
passage  through  the  crowd  of  assailants.  Seeing  this 
movement,  the  warriors  who  had  issued  from  the  two  ends 
of  the  inner  intrenchment  redoubled  their  efforts.  Others 
rushed  on  to  the  rampart-walk  by  the  side  issues  of  the 
intrenchment,  and  fell  upon  the  enemies  within  or  without 
the  rampart.  The  latter,  cramped  within  this  narrow  space, 
and  with  their  centre  broken  through,  were  unable  to  use 
their  arms.  Some  fell  and  were  suffocated.  Those  who 
were  on  the  projecting  part  of  the  rampart  began  to  turn 
and  fly  into  the  midst  of  their  advancing  comrades,  who 
not  seeing  what  was  taking  place  behind  the  rampart,  were 
for  compelling  them  to  return  to  the  battle. 

The  crowd  fell  into  confusion,  and  disregarding  the  voice 
of  the  chiefs,  accumulated  in  such  masses  in  the  ditch,  the 
escarpments  and  the  rampart-walk,  that  it  could  act  only 
by  its  weight,  and  offered  itself  to  attack  without  power  of 
defence.  Most  threw,  down  their  bucklers  which  hampered 
their  movements. 

Sigild  kept  advancing,  and  all  the  warriors  not  engaged 
in  defending  the  intrenchment.  formed  behind  him  in  a 
column  which  became  denser  each  moment.  As  soon  as 
they  were  outside  the  intrenchment,  these  warriors  turned 
about  and  threw  themselves  on  the  bulk  of  the  assailants, 
who  were  separated  into  two  masses.  Caught  as  in  a pair 


58 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


of  pincers  by  Sigild’s  band,  and  by  those  coining  from  the 
terminal  egresses  of  the  intrench  ment,  they  were  slaugh- 
tered without  resistance. 

In  vain  did  the  chiefs  of  the  enemy  sound  a retreat. 
The  bulk  of  assailants,  who  were  massed  between  the 
rampart  and  the  intrenchment,  could  neither  advance  nor 
recede.  Very  few  succeeded  in  rejoining  their  companions- 

Fatigue  alone  stayed  the  defenders  ; it  was  no  longer  a 
combat  but  a massacre. 

Although  the  warriors  of  the  Val  d’Avon  had  suffered 
considerable  loss,  the  success  of  the  defence  had  intoxi- 
cated them,  and  they  were  eager  to  take  advantage  of 
the  disorder  of  the  enemy  to  sally  forth  from  the  Oppidum 
and  fall  upon  them.  Sigild  was  obliged  to  swear  to  them 
by  the  most  terrible  of  oaths,  that  their  vengeance  would 
be  more  effective  by  delay. 

He  told  them,  moreover,  that  the  enemy  were  very 
numerous,  and  that  the  losses  they  had  suffered  had  not 
weakened  them  to  such  a degree  as  to  render  them  con- 
temptible ; that  they  were  burning  for  revenge,  and  that 
to  attack  them  in  their  camp  was  to  give  them  the  very 
opportunity  they  desired.  The  authority  of  the  chiefs  of 
the  tribes  of  the  Druids  had,  however,  to  be  appealed  to,  to 
keep  the  warriors  within  the  Oppidum. 

Night  fell  on  the  narrow  battle-field  covered  with  the 
dead  and  wounded.  The  Brenn  took  re-possession  of  the 
ramparts,  had  the  wattle  parapet  hastily  repaired,  the 
enemy’s  wounded  put  to  death,  and  his  own  carried  into 
the  middle  of  the  camp,  where  they  were  consigned  to  the 
care  of  the  women  ; then  he  ascended  one  of  the  unburnt 
towers  of  that  front,  hoping  to  perceive  Tomar’s  signal. 
But  the  night  was  hazy,  and  the  fires  of  the  enemy  three 
or  four  hundred  paces  distant  were  scarcely  visible. 

It  was  evident  that  Tomar  could  not  have  lighted  his 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE . 


59 

fire,  or  if  he  had  lighted  it,  it  was  impossible  to  see  ’it 
through  the  haze. 

The  warriors  after  the  laborious  day,  chilled  by  the 
autumn  fog,  were  sleeping  around  their  fires.  The  cries 
of  victory  had  been  exchanged  for  a death-like  silence, 
broken  only  by  the  groans  of  some  of  the  wounded  who 
had  been  forgotten. 

The  Brenn  was  considering  whether  it  would  not  be 
wise  to  follow  the  plan  which  he  had  indicated  to  the 
chiefs  of  the  tribes — to  leave  the  camp  before  daybreak 
by  crossing  the  river  on  a line  of  rafts,  before  the  enemy 
had  time  to  effect  a fresh  assault.  Provisions  would  cer- 
tainly fail  them  soon.  But  how  move  this  multitude  ! 
The  warriors  needed  rest.  “ One  more  day,”  he  said  to 
himself  ; “ and  if  I have  no  news  of  Tomar,  I still  must 
consider  it.”  Then  he  went  out  and  ordered  to  the  point 
attacked  a body  of  warriors  some  hundreds  strong,  who, 
having  guarded  the  unbroken  part  of  the  ramparts  during 
the  assault,  and  having  taken  no  part  in  the  conflict,  were 
fresh  and  vigorous.  Some  women  even  mounted  the 
towers.  He  enjoined  all  of  them  to  give  the  alarm  vigor- 
ously if  they  saw  the  enemy  approaching  the  ramparts, 
so  as  to  rouse  the  sleeping  warriors.  He  despatched 
several  of  his  trusty  friends  to  the  other  fronts  of  the 
camp,  with  injunctions  to  watch  the  approaches,  and  to 
send  out  scouts  through  the  gates  to  ascertain  any  move- 
ments outside,  and  to  light  fires  a little  way  from  the 
ramparts,  so  as  to  illuminate  the  immediate  vicinity.  He 
proceeded  towards  the  southern  extremity  of  the  Oppi- 
dum, and  saw  that  the  little  camp  above  the  bridge  that 
had  been  destroyed  was  guarded  ; but  also  perceived 
through  the  mist  the  fires  of  the  enemy  in  the  valley 
opposite  this  point. 

It  was  midnight,  and  Sigild,  exhausted  by  fatigue^ 


6o 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


returned  to  the  northern  side  and  retired  to  rest  beneath 
one  of  the  towers.  Some  of  his  friends  kept  watch  out- 
side around  a large  fire. 

The  Brenn  was  sleeping,  when  a hand  placed  on  his 
shoulder  awaked  him.  By  the  light  of  a resin  torch  he 
saw  Tomar  standing  by  him.  “ Is  it  really  thou,  Tomar  ? ” 
said  he,  thinking  he  was  dreaming.  “ It  is  I.”  “Alone  ? ” 
“ Alone  here  ; the  warriors  are  down  there  ; the  fog  ren- 
dered the  signal  useless  : I am  come.”  “ Hast  thou  been 
seen  ? ” “ Thy  warriors  sleep,  no  one  has  recognized  me  ; 

a woman  told  me  thou  wert  here.”  “ Why  a day  late  ? ” 
“ Ditovix  has  assembled  a thousand  warriors.”  “ Ah , 
Ditovix  is  with  them.”  A cloud  passed  over  the  brow  of 
the  Brenn.  “ He  is  a noble  fellow,”  said  he,  after  a pause 
“ Thou  knowest  that  we  were  attacked  yesterday  ? ” “ I 

know  it  ; I saw  the  field  of  the  slain.  The  enemy  are 
numerous  ; they  cannot  turn  back,  to-morrow  they  will 
make  another  attack — they  are  resolved  to  succeed.” 
“ And  then  ? ” “ Then  Ditovix  is  to  fall  upon  them  before 

midday,  when  he  knows  the  conflict  is  begun.”  “Well?” 
“ If  I do  not  go  back  to  Ditovix,  or  if  he  hears  nothing 
from  you,  he  will  make  the  attack.”  “ Remain  with  us, 
then  ; thou  art  sure  that  we  shall  be  assailed  in  the  morn- 
ing ? ” “ I passed  along  the  enemy’s  camp — they  are  pre- 

paring for  a fresh  assault  ; and  there  are  warriors  following 
the  course  of  the  river  to  attack  the  west  side  also.*’ 

There  was  not  a moment  to  lose.  Sigild  called  his 
friends  together,  and  informed  them  that  a final  effort 
must  be  made — that  the  enemy,  harassed  on  their  rear  by 
neighbouring  tribes,  must  either  get  possession  of  the 
Oppidum  that  very  day  or  perish.  Tomar  was  repre- 
sented as  having  passed  the  previous  day  in  the  besiegers’ 
camp,  and  become  acquainted  with  the  position  of 
affairs. 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


61 


No  one  doubted  the  veracity  of  Tomar,  who,  so  fai 
from  exaggerating,  never  told  a quarter  of  what  he 
knew. 

Sigild  scarcely  had  at  his  disposal,  after  the  various 
assaults  that  had  taken  place,  threé  thousand  men  in  a 
condition  to  fight,  deducting  the  troop  stationed  opposite 
the  burnt  bridge.  He  divided  his  forces  into  three  bodies, 
one  of  about  twelve  hundred  men  to  defend  the  northern 
ramparts,  the  second  of  eight  hundred  posted  on  the 
western  rampart,  and  the  third  of  a thousand  men  which 
he  kept  in  the  centre  of  the  Oppidum  under  his  own 
direct  command. 

At  the  other  posts  around  the  Oppidum  he  placed  men 
unaccustomed  to  fight  and  unprovided  with  arms,  but  who 
were  yet  able  to  offer  some  resistance  if  the  enemy  should 
present  themselves.  Women  were  posted  in  the  towers 
away  from  the  points  of  expected  attack.  Their  only 
duty  was  to  hurl  stones  at  the  assailants. 

The  day  broke  slowly  owing  to  the  thick  vapours  ob- 
scuring  the  sky  ; nevertheless  the  warriors,  encouraged  by 
the  words  of  the  Brenn  and  by  their  success  the  day  before, 
awaited  the  enemy  full  of  ardour.  The  Druids,  informed 
by  Sigild  of  the  arrival  of  help,  traversed  the  camp  an- 
nouncing that  the  hour  of  deliverance  had  come,  and  that 
the  souls  of  those  who  should  fall  were  secure  of  the  most 
glorious  future.  The  Druidesses,  with  dishevelled  hair, 
fastened  sacred  boughs  to  the  wattling  of  the  ramparts. 

A body  of  the  enemy  about  two  thousand  strong  now 
became  distinctly  visible  opposite  the  western  front  of  the 
Oppidum,  with  the  river  at  its  back.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  first  quarter  of  the  day,  this  troop  climbed  the  escarp- 
ment and  stopped  an  arrow’s  flight  off.  It  then  divided 
itself  into  eight  parties,  each  of  which,  provided  with  fag- 
gots, proceeded  towards  one  of  the  towers.  The  assailants 


62 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


were  received  with  a shower  of  arrows  and  stones.  They 
advanced  nevertheless  without  wavering,  and  heaped 
up  the  faggots  at  the  foot  of  the  towers,  not  without 
considerable  loss  on  their  side  ; for  the  besieged  hurled 
on  them  over  the  parapets  large  pebbles  and  trunks  of 
trees. 

The  assailants  tried  several  times  to  set  fire  to  the 
faggots,  but  the  wood  was  damp,  and  the  defenders  threw 
baskets  of  wet  earth  on  the  incipient  flames. 

The  assault  on  the  western  side  had  continued  for  some 
time,  when  a vast  number  of  the  enemy  threw  them- 
selves on  the  northern  salient,  whose  towers  were  partly 
destroyed. 

As  on  the  previous  day,  they  rushed  in  such  a compact 
mass  upon  the  salient,  that  they  were  not  long  in  effecting 
a breach. 

Sigild  then  sent  out  five  hundred  men  by  the  western 
gate  to  take  the  assaulting  column  in  flank,  whilst  he  pro- 
ceeded with  the  five  hundred  of  the  reserve  body  straight 
to  the  salient.  By  the  time  he  had  reached  this  point  the 
enemy  was  already  within  the  rampart,  and  his  forces 
were  sheltered  behind  the  intrenchment. 

On  seeing  the  heaps  of  the  slain  with  which  this  quarter 
was  strewed,  the  fury  of  the  enemy  appeared  to  be  re- 
doubled, and  they  swept  along  like  a flood  through  a wide 
breach.  Thinking  themselves  at  last  masters  of  the  Oppi- 
dum, they  fell  in  disorder  upon  the  troops  led  by  Sigild. 
This  body,  disposed  crescent-wise,  formed  as  it  were  a 
second  intrenchment,  which  the  assailants  vainly  endea- 
voured to  break  through. 

The  five  hundred  men  who  had  gone  out  by  the  eastern 
gate  had  reached  the  left  flank  of  the  throng  of  besiegers, 
when  a tremendous  shout  arose  from  the  enemy’s  camp. 

Horsemen  came  galloping  at  the  top  of  their  speed 


THE  FIRST  SIEGE. 


63 


towards  the  Oppidum.  The  attacking  host  wavered. 
Assailed  on  their  flank  they  made  scarcely  any  resist- 
ance, and  a movement  of  disorderly  retreat  became  more 
and  more  clearly  manifest. 

Those  who  had  gained  a footing  within  the  rampart, 
seeing  themselves  no  longer  supported,  or  rather  forced 
on  by  new-comers,  turned  and  fled  with  all  haste  towards 
the  wood. 

Sigild  perceived  that  Ditovix  was  making  his  attack  ; 
then,  collecting  his  warriors  and  summoning  all  the  men 
from  the  various  parts  of  the  defences,  he  formed  a dense 
column,  and  overthrowing  the  assailants  who  were  betwixt 
him  and  the  rampart,  passed  it  and  rejoined  the  warriors 
already  outside  : “ Now,”  cried  he,  “ forward  ! the  enemy 
is  ours  ; let  not  one  escape.” 

The  wretched  besiegers,  hemmed  in  between  the  war- 
riors of  Ditovix  and  those  led  by  Sigild,  although  twice 
as  numerous  as  the  forces  of  their  opponents  united, 
became  utterly  disorganized,  no  longer  thought  of  de- 
fending themselves,  and  rushing  now  to  one  side,  now 
to  the  other,  met  death  everywhere. 

Many  attempted  to  fly  towards  the  river  or  the  rivulet  ; 
but  at  an  intimation  from  Sigild,  Tomar,  who  had  re- 
mained in  the  Oppidum,  sent  the  warriors  posted  on  the 
ramparts  in  pursuit  of  them. 

The  assailants  on  the  western  front,  seeing  the  dis- 
order into  which  their  party  had  been  thrown  on  the 
plateau,  had  got  down  towards  the  banks.  On  that  side 
the  warriors  poured  forth  by  the  western  gate,  broke  the 
bridge  of  rafts,  and  fell  upon  the  enemy  hemmed  in  by 
the  river. 

Those  of  the  besiegers  who  did  not  meet  their  death 
that  day,  perished  of  cold  or  hunger  in  the  endeavour 
to  escape  pursuit.  A thousand,  however,  were  taken  ; 


64 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


among  others  those  who  guarded  the  palisade  in  the 
valley.  They  were  slain  in  the  Némède  in  presence  of 
the  Druids  and  Druidesses.  Most  of  the  bodies  were 
thrown  into  the  liver,  and  for  several  days  the  dwellers 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  found  corpses  entangled  among 
the  reeds. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


THE  COST  OF  DEFENDERS. 

DlTOVIX  and  his  warriors  had  done  their  duty  bravely  ; 
the  tribes  of  the  Val  d’Avon  regarded  them  as  saviours, 
and  when  the  unfortunate  besieged  went  back  to  their 
devastated  homes,  they  cheerfully  divided  the  little  that 
remained  to  them  with  the  new-comers. 

In  the  enemy’s  camp  were  found  provisions,  the  fruits 
of  pillage,  and  upon  the  bodies  of  the  slain  a little  gold,, 
and  arms  ; and  all  this  was  equally  distributed.  But 
winter  was  approaching,  the  fodder  that  had  been  col- 
lected was  dispersed,  the  animals  lost  or  consumed,  the 
stores  of  grain  destroyed.  The  means  of  subsistence  had 
to  be  procured  from  the  merchants,  and  the  allies  to 
be  fed.  Scarcity  prevailed  in  this  valley,  so  prosperous 
a month  before.  Its  saviours  were  exacting,  and  began, 
to  ask  where  was  that  wealth  and  plenty  which  had  been 
promised  them. 

Quartered  in  the  Oppidum  with  the  warriors  of  Sigild, 
the  followers  of  Ditovix  assumed  a domineering  air  on 
the  strength  of  the  service  rendered  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Val  d’Avon,  and  whose  importance  they  were 
incessantly  magnifying.  Quarrels  arose  continually,  and 
it  needed  all  the  influence  which  Sigild  had  acquired 
among  his  people  to  moderate  their  angry  feelings. 

Ditovix  abstained  from  interference  in  these  disputes. 
When  assistance  had  been  asked — he  would  say  to  Sigild* 

F 


66 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


— his  men  had  been  promised  wealth  of  all  kinds  ; how 
could  he  remonstrate  with  them  if  they  were  left  to  die 
of  want  ? 

Ditovix  had  brought  a thousand  warriors  to  aid  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Val  d’Avon  ; and,  in  spite  of  the  losses 
suffered  during  the  action,  a month  after  the  dispersion 
of  the  enemy’s  army  the  number  of  these  auxiliaries 
was  found  to  have  unaccountably  increased. 

The  Druids  then  interfered  ; they  represented  to  Ditovix 
that  though  he  and  his  warriors  had  saved  the  families  of 
the  valley  from  total  destruction,  they  were  reduced  to 
poverty  ; that  if  they  died  of  hunger  the  same  fate  would 
befal  his  men,  since  there  was  nothing  left  to  give  them  ; 
and  that  in  the  common  interest  it  was  necessary  to  come 
to  some  understanding. 

Then  Ditovix  adopted  a different  attitude.  “ I should 
be  willing  to  take  my  warriors  back,”  said  he,  “ but  I 
cannot.  They  would  refuse  to  follow  me,  and  would 
give  themselves  up  to  excesses  of  all  kinds.  I can 
scarcely  prevent  their  proceeding  from  murmurs  to 
violence.  I had  to  promise  much  to  induce  them  to 
come,  and  they  must  be  satisfied.  Fighting  has  been 
their  constant  occupation — for  the  most  part  in  the 
countries  beyond  the  mountains.  They  are  not  fitted 
for  tilling  the  soil  or  tending  cattle.  What  do  you  pro- 
pose ? ” — “ What  do  you  ask  ? ” said  the  Druids.  “ I will 
call  together  the  leading  men  among  them,  and  explain 
the  state  of  things  ; and  will  let  you  know  what  they 
want.” 

Ditovix  and  Sigild  consulted  together,  for  both  saw 
the  necessity  of  securing  the  same  advantages  for  the 
warriors  of  the  valley  and  the  auxiliaries,  if  they  would 
avoid  a collision.  The  two  chiefs  called  in  some  of  the 
principal  merchants  who  frequented  the  valley,  to  induce 


THE  COST  OF  DEFENDERS.  67 

them  to  furnish  supplies  in  consideration  of  certain 
guarantees  very  advantageous  to  them. 

Matters  being  thus  concluded  between  Sigild  and 
Ditovix,  they  called  their  adherents  together,  and  had 
no  difficulty  in  getting  them  to  accept  the  conditions  on 
which  they  themselves  had  agreed. 

These  conditions  were  as  follows  : — The  Oppidum  was 
to  be  placed  under  the  guard  of  the  warriors  of  the  vale 
and  the  followers  of  Ditovix  exclusively  of  all  others. 
Their  number  amounted  to  nearly  three  thousand.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  to  give  them  one  day  in 
four  to  help  them  in  executing  the  works  necessary  foi 
defence  or  for  building  their  dwellings.  A fourth  part 
of  their  crops  and  of  their  cattle  was  to  be  contributed 
by  every  family  of  the  vale  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
three  thousand  warriors.  As  Sigild  and  Ditovix  took 
upon  themselves  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  people  during 
the  scarcity,  all  the  merchandise  was  to  be  deposited 
beneath  the  promontory  near  the  bridge  ; and  the  in- 
habitants were  to  receive  and  exchange  it  there,  being 
forbidden  under  the  severest  penalties  to  treat  directly 
with  the  merchants. 

Harsh  as  these  fiscal  arrangements  were,  they  were 
obkged  to  accept  them.  Ditovix,  loaded  with  valuable 
presents,  quitted  the  Oppidum,  leaving  his  followers,  who 
accepted  Sigild  for  their  Brenn.  The  bridge  was  quickly 
restored,  and  there  arose  at  either  end  dwellings  and 
storehouses  for  the  merchants  and  their  merchandise. 
The  chiefs  of  the  warriors  levied  a toll  on  all  the  ex- 
changes ; they  had  the  monopoly  of  the  market,  as  they 
bought  up  all  the  produce  that  was  exchanged. 

Notwithstanding  the  pressure  of  fiscal  burdens,  nay, 
even  as  a result  of  it,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Val  d’Avon 
secured  a larger  return  from  their  land  than  formerly, 

F 2 


68 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


and  they  had  a greater  number  of  cattle.  Their  com- 
merce became  more  extensive,  and  the  population  in- 
creased. Many  merchants  came  to  live  in  the  town  built 
at  the  two  extremities  of  the  bridge. 

Thirty  years  therefore  after  the  siege  we  have  just 
described,  the  valley  had  become  highly  prosperous  ; 
though  the  inhabitants  smarted  under  the  domination 
of  the  warrior  caste,  and  considered  a quarter  of  their 
substance  and  of  their  labour  a great  deal  too  much  to 
give  to  men  who  lived  in  idleness,  and  whose  chiefs  dis- 
played an  ostentatious  luxury.  Often,  it  is  true,  these 
warriors  would  undertake  some  expedition,  from  which 
all  did  not  return  to  the  valley  ; but  those  who  came 
back  safe  and  sound  took  care  to  enforce  the  payment 
of  past  dues,  and  would  then  spend  days  in  eating  and 
drinking,  and  were  more  exacting  than  ever. 

They  recruited  from  among  the  youth  of  the  valley, 
and  even  from  among  foreigners,  for  it  was  of  importance 
to  them  that  their  numbers  should  not  diminish. 

Gradually  the  remembrance  of  the  events  which  had 
led  to  this  state  of  things  faded  from  the  minds  of  the 
population.  The  grandchildren  of  the  followers  of  Sigild 
and  Ditovix  regarded  the  privileges  accorded  to  their 
ancestors  as  a birthright  ; while  the  tillers  of  the  soil, 
and  the  shepherds  and  craftsmen  of  the  vale,  became 
accustomed  to  submission,  and  finally  adopted  the  convic- 
tion that  they  had  come  into  the  world  to  serve  and 
support  the  men  who  inhabited  the  Oppidum. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 

Two  centuries  and  a half  had  elapsed,  and  the  Val 
d’Avon  had  become  the  centre  of  a numerous  and 
wealthy  district  of  the  Lingones.  At  the  base  of  the 
Oppidum,  extending  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  was  a 
town — a mercantile  depot  of  some  importance  ; for  as 
the  river  is  navigable  below  the  promontory,  many  boats 
coming  from  the  Sequani  ascended  thus  far,  laden  with 
merchandise  brought  from  the  south,  and  returned 
freighted  with  horses,  tanned  hides,  ironwork,  smoked 
and  salted  meat,  timber,  grains,  cheese,  &c.  &c. 

The  Oppidum  was  then  partly  covered  with  habitations 
and  gardens  belonging  to  the  descendants  of  Sigild  and 
Ditovix’s  warriors.  Its  ramparts,  oftentimes  repaired,  were 
in  imperfect  condition  ; earthworks  were  to  be  seen  there, 
with  a few  towers  of  dry  stone  walling — principally  on 
the  north  side.  The  part  of  the  town  on  the  right  bank 
was  uninclosed,  but  that  which  stood  on  the  southern 
slopes  of  the  promontory  was  surrounded  by  dry  stone 
walls  which  reached  the  ramparts  of  the  Oppidum.  A 
tête  de  ponty  built  of  the  same  materials,  appeared  on  the 
right  bank  nearly  contiguous  to  the  houses  of  the  part  of 
the  town  built  on  that  side  (Fig.  9). 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  this  town  presented  the 
aspect  of  our  modern  cities.  It  consisted  of  a series 
of  inclosures  of  wood  or  dry  stone  walls,  surrounding 


Fig.  q.— The  Town  and  Cite  d’Avon  (War  of  the  Gai'ls). 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


7i 


gardens,  in  the  middle  of  which  were  built  the  houses — 
wooden  buildings  thatched  with  straw  or  reeds. 

On  the  southern  point  of  the  Oppidum,  however — behind 
the  Némède  and  commanding  the  valley — there  rose  a 
structure  of  wood  and  stone,  which  was  conspicuous  above 
the  rampart  (at  a).  It  was  the  dwelling  of  the  chief  of 
the  warriors  and  his  Ambactes,1  who  were  numerous. 

His  name  was  Catognatus  : rich  by  inheritance,  he  also 
farmed  the  tolls  and  taxes,  over  a wide  district  of  the 
Lingones,  having  thus  greatly  increased  his  wealth.  By 
his  liberality  he  had  gained  numerous  partisans,  and  was 
always  surrounded  by  a troop  of  cavaliers  equipped  and 
fed  at  his  expense.  By  family  alliances  he  had  acquired 
considerable  influence,  extending  even  among  the  Ædui, 
and  took  part  in  the  wars  which  that  people  were  waging 
against  the  Arverni.  He  was  able  to  muster  five  or  six 
thousand  warriors  among  his  own  adherents  and  those  of 
his  Ambactes. 

When  Cæsar  set  out  in  pursuit  of  the  Helvetian  emi- 
grants who  persisted  in  passing  through  the  Roman 
province  to  spread  themselves  in  Gaul,  the  Ædui  had 
promised  to  supply  his  troops  with  corn. 

The  Helvetians,  and  close  upon  their  track  the  Romans, 
had  already  passed  the  Avar,2  and  the  promised  grain  had 
not  arrived.  The  fact  was,  that  certain  persons  of  in- 
fluence among  the  Ædui  were  opposed  to  the  Romans, 
and,  fearing  that  if  once  they  got  a footing  in  Gaul  they 
would  aim  at  subjugating  it,  were  using  every  effort  to 
prevent  the  fulfilment  of  the  promises  made  by  the 
magistrates  of  the  principal  city  of  the  Ædui. 

Catognatus  was  one  of  the  chiefs  most  actively  opposed 
to  the  Romans,  and  had  friends  among  Caesar’s  auxiliaries 
who  informed  him  of  all  that  was  going  on  in  the  Roman 
1 Fideles — warriors  devoted  to  the  chief. 


2 The  Saône. 


72 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


camp.  On  his  side  he  communicated  to  the  Helvetii 
whatever  information  he  received  respecting  the  move- 
ments or  position  of  the  Roman  army. 

Cæsar  having  become  acquainted  with  these  manœuvres 
through  Liscus,  took  his  measures  accordingly  ; and  after 
having  in  great  part  annihilated  the  emigrant  horde  of 
the  Helvetii,  when  the  scattered  remnant  sought  refuge 
among  the  Lingones,  he  first  sent  couriers  to  prohibit  the 
latter  from  aiding  or  sheltering  the  fugitives:  then,  after 
allowing  his  troops  three  days  to  recruit  themselves,  he 
pushed  on  again  in  pursuit  of  the  Helvetii.  These 
quickly  submitted  ; but  Cæsar  had  not  forgotten  the  share 
which  Catognatus  had  had  in  the  matter  of  supplies 
promised  by  the  Ædui,  and  while  he  was  treating  with 
the  latter  with  a view  to  relieve  part  of  Gaul  from  the 
tyranny  of  Ariovistus,  he  despatched  a legion  and  some 
auxiliary  troops  to  assure  himself  of  the  disposition  of  the 
Lingones,  to  seize  Catognatus  and  the  Helvetii  whom  he 
had  harboured,  and,  if  necessary,  to  chastise  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  Val  d’Avon — i.e.y  if  they  persisted  in  holding 
to  their  chief. 

Catognatus,  who  had  his  informants  in  Caesar’s  army, 
was  soon  warned  of  the  danger  that  threatened  him. 

He  had,  in  fact,  given  an  asylum  to  some  Helvetian 
fugitives,  thereby  raising  the  number  of  his  men  to  nearly 
six  thousand,  supposing  the  warriors  of  the  Val  d’Avon 
willing  to  make  a stand  against  the  Roman  troops.  As- 
sembling his  Ambactes,  therefore,  and  their  principal  re- 
tainers, he  urged  on  their  consideration  the  inconsiderable 
size  of  the  Roman  army  ; the  fact  that  it  was  already 
distant  from  the  frontiers  of  the  province,  and  had  been 
weakened  by  preceding  conflicts  ; that  though  it  had 
defeated  the  Helvetii  in  the  open  field,  the  issue  would 
have  been  different  if  the  enemy  had  been  posted  behind 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


73 


intrenchments  ; that  they  ought  not  to  suffer  the  Romans 
to  busy  themselves  with  their  affairs  or  differences,  since 
they,  the  Gauls,  did  not  interfere  with  the  affairs  of  the 
provinces;  that  the  Romans  might  justly  prohibit  the 
Helvetii  from  passing  through  Roman  territory,  but  that 
they  infringed  the  independence  of  their  neighbours  and 
allies  when  they  presumed  to  keep  order  among  them 
without  being  formally  requested  to  do  so  ; that  he  knew, 
moreover,  that  the  Ædui,  devoted  though  they  seemed 
to  the  Romans,  were  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
chastise  their  presumption  ; that  Caesar  was  going  to 
divide  his  forces,  and  that  if  the  men  of  the  Val  d’Avon 
resisted  the  troops  sent  against  them,  this  would  be  the 
signal  for  a general  rising  which  would  be  fatal  to  the 
Roman  armies.  He  told  them  also  that  they  ought  to 
remember  that  their  ancestors  made  the  Romans  tremble 
even  in  Rome,  and  that  it  was  disgraceful  to  submit  to 
the  dictation  of  those  whom  they  had  formerly  con- 
quered. 

Catognatus  also  adopted  the  stratagem  of  sending 
emissaries  to  the  houses  of  the  people  under  the  guise 
of  travellers.  They  professed  to  have  seen  Cæsar’s  troops, 
and  to  have  found  them  half-starved  and  utterly  destitute  ; 
they  affirmed  that  the  best  of  them  had  been  obliged 
frequently  to  retreat  before  the  Helvetii  ; that  they  were 
reduced  by  three-fourths,  and  that  the  remainder  of  their 
army  was  composed  of  raw  recruits  and  of  auxiliaries,  who 
were  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  return  home. 

These  reports,  spread  through  the  valley,  were  still  more 
efficacious  than  Catognatus’s  discourse  ; for  the  Gauls  have 
always  been  inclined  to  lend  a willing  ear  to  representa- 
tions that  flatter  their  desires,  without  inquiring  whether 
they  are  true  or  false.  If  any  of  the  older  men  shook 
their  heads  and  said  that  it  would  be  as  well  to  know 


74 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


what  was  asked  of  them  before  assuming  a hostile  attitude, 
they  were  treated  with  contempt.  Catognatus,  seeing  all 
the  people  inclined  to  resist,  had  trunks  of  trees  mingled 
with  earth  and  pebbles  heaped  up  before  the  weaker  points 
of  the  Oppidum. 

They  re-dug  the  dkcft  before  the  walls  of  the  left  bank 
and  surrounded  with  palisades  the  part  of  the  city  that 
had  remained  unprotected  on  the  right  bank.  In  addition 
to  this,  Catognatus  had  a cutting  dug  at  a hundred  paces 
from  the  Oppidum  between  its  northern  salient  and  the 
plateau.  These  works,  hastily  undertaken,  were  still  un- 
finished when  the  arrival  of  the  Roman  troops  was  an- 
nounced. The  infantry  were  advancing  in  good  order  in 
the  valley  on  the  left  bank,  while  the  cavalry  followed  the 
hills  on  the  same  side.  Not  a man  quitted  the  ranks  to 
go  and  pillage  the  houses,  and  neither  songs  nor  shouts 
were  heard.  The  helmets  of  polished  bronze  worn  by  the 
legionaries  were  shining  in  the  sun,  and,  seen  from  a dis- 
tance, the  troop  resembled  a long  fiery  serpent  uncoiling 
in  the  meadows. 

From  the  elevated  tower  occupied  by  Catognatus 
the  slightest  movements  of  the  Romans  were  visible. 
They  soon  deployed  along  the  rivulet,  their  left  being 
against  the  river  and  their  right  protected  by  the  cavalry 
on  the  hills.  The  lieutenant,  Titurius,  then  sent  an  envoy 
into  the  city.  He  was  commissioned  to  announce  to  the 
magistrates  that  the  Romans  appeared  as  friends,  but 
that  since  Catognatus  had  gi\en  an  asylum  to  some  of 
the  Helvètii,  and  had  notoriously  exercised  his  power  to 
prevent  the  Ædui  from  furnishing  the  supplies  promised 
to  the  army  commanded  by  Cæsar,  and  which  had  come 
into  Gaul  with  the  sole  purpose  of  hindering  the  Helvetii 
from  devastating, — that  is,  strictly  in  the  character  of 
allies, — they  must  deliver  up  the  said  Catognatus  and  the 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


75 


Helvetian  refugees  to  the  lieutenant  Titurius  without 
delay  : that  if  this  was  done  the  Romans  would  only 
demand  provisions  for  ten  days, — a reasonable  require- 
ment, as  between  allies  ; after  which  they  would  return 
to  the  Ædui. 

Catognatus,  surrounded  by  his  principal  Ambactes,  was 
present  in  the  assembly  of  the  magistrates  when  the 
envoy  delivered  his  commission.  Seeing  them  hesitating, 
he  replied  to  the  summons  as  follows  : u Here  is  the  object 
of  your  search.  I am  Catognatus  ; I have  afforded  an 
asylum  to  certain  of  the  Helvetii,  who  are  my  friends,  and 
whose  hospitality  I myself  have  shared  ; I am  allied  with 
the  Helvetii  as  I am  allied  with  the  Romans.  If  the 
Romans  had  been  beaten  by  the  Helvetii,  and  any  of 
them  escaped  from  massacre  had  taken  refuge  here,  would 
they  consider  it  honourable  for  me  to  give  them  up  to 
their  enemies,  had  they  come  here  in  arms  to  demand 
them  ? If  such  was  the  usual  conduct  of  the  Romans, 
I should  blush  to  be  their  ally.  To  the  vague  accusa- 
tion respecting  the  influence  I am  alleged  to  have 
exercised  over  the  policy  of  the  Ædui,  I have  nothing 
to  reply.  The  Ædui  act  according  to  their  own  good 
pleasure,  and  it  is  not  for  me  to  interfere  with  them. 
The  Romans  should  demand  satisfaction  of  the  Ædui  if 
they  have  not  fulfilled  their  engagements.  As  to  myself, 
the  Romans  have  asked  nothing  of  me,  and  I have  pro- 
mised them  nothing  : what  business  have  they  here  ? If 
they  had  a message  to  send  me,  was  it  necessary  that  the 
bearer  should  be  escorted  by  a legion  ? Is  this  how  allies 
should  treat  each  other  ? Go  and  tell  the  legate  that  we 
are  at  home  here  ; that  if  he  comes  as  a friend  we  shall 
treat  him  as  a friend  ; but  that  if  he  presumes  to  dictate 
to  us  and  treat  us  as  children,  we  shall  answer  him  as 
men  who  know  how  to  act  for  themselves.”  “He  is 


7 6 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


right!  he  is  right!”  was  the  unanimous  exclamation  of 
the  Ambactes  ; and  overwhelming  the  envoy  with  insults, 
they  thrust  him  out.  Catognatus  had  to  interpose  to 
prevent  the  crowd  from  tearing  him  to  pieces. 

Titurius  was  instructed  to  show  the  greatest  possible 
consideration  for  the  inhabitants,  that  the  neighbouring 
peoples  might  not  be  irritated  ; and  to  adhere  scrupu- 
lously to  the  terms  of  the  demand  transmitted  by  the 
envoy- -simply  to  require  the  surrender  of  the  Helvetii 
and  Catognatus. 

On  the  other  hand,  his  orders  were  to  accomplish  the 
expedition  with  all  possible  despatch,  as  Caesar  had  but  a 
few  legions  with  him.  The  legate,  therefore,  refrained  from 
investing  the  city  and  the  Oppidum,  and,  as  he  had  no 
reason  to  fear  the  immediate  arrival  of  help  to  the  enemy, 
he  judged  it  best  to  direct  all  his  efforts  to  the  plateau, 
hoping  to  take  the  fortress  by  a vigorous  effort.  It  was, 
however,  to  be  feared  that  if  the  Oppidum  was  taken  by 
assault,  Catognatus  and  a part  of  the  Helvetii  might 
succeed  in  escaping. 

At  night,  therefore,  the  legate  was  devising  a plan  by 
which,  with  the  eight  thousand  men  or  thereabouts  of 
which  his  force  consisted,  he  might  at  the  same  time 
present  all  means  of  escape  from  within,  and  make  a 
vigorous  attack  upon  the  Oppidum,  when  a centurion 
came  to  tell  him  that  some  of  the  inhabitants  requested 
a private  interview  with  him. 

The  inhabitants  in  question  were  magistrates  of  the  lower 

town Falling  at  Titurius’s  feet,  they  told  him  with 

tears  that  it  was  with  no  good  will  they  submitted  to  the 
dominion  of  Catognatus  and  his  warriors  ; that  the  de- 
mands presented  that  day  to  the  assembly  by  the  envoy 
were  nothing  but  reasonable,  since  the  Helvetii  had  entered 
Giul  only  as  marauders,  and  that  Catognatus  had  used  his 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


77 


influence  to  embarrass  the  march  of  the  Romans  their 
allies,  who  had  come  to  destroy  the  Helvetii  ; that  they  the 
magistrates  had  no  authority  over  the  warriors,  and  very 
little  over  the  populace,  enthralled  as  they  were,  and  de- 
ceived by  the  agents  of  Catognatus;  that  this  chief  and 
his  men  had  taken  refuge  in  the  Oppidum,  and  the  part  of 
the  town  situated  at  the  extremity  of  the  promontory, 
abandoning  the  part  built  on  the  right  bank  ; that,  in 
fact,  they  entreated  the  legate  to  occupy  that  part  of  the 
city  with  his  troops,  who  would  be  well  received,  and  who, 
they  hoped,  would  not  give  themselves  up  to  any  excesses, 
since  they  were  treated  as  friends. 

Titurius  raised  them,  and,  speaking  kindly  to  them,  pro- 
mised to  do  what  they  asked  ; but,  fearing  treachery,  stated 
that  he  must  keep  them  as  hostages.  The  magistrates 
surrendered  themselves  to  his  disposal,  declaring  that  his 
troops  would  find  the  gates  open,  the  posts  unoccupied, 
and  the  inhabitants  in  great  excitement,  but  by  no  means 
hostile,  if  they  were  well  treated. 

On  their  arrival,  the  Romans  had  instituted  a ferry  on 
the  river  below  the  town.  A reconnoitring  party  de- 
spatched immediately  reported  that  the  erresses  were  in 
fact  free,  and  that  no  one  appeared  behind  the  walls. 

Titurius  therefore  invested  all  the  egresses,  and  towards 
midnight  a thousand  men  selected  from  among  the 
auxiliaries  were  in  possession  of  the  lower  town,  without 
any  sound  of  disturbance  or  sign  of  disorder.  In  the 
morning  the  Gallic  warriors  posted  at  the  head  of  the 
bridge  saw  the  Romans  before  them,  and  were  vehement 
in  their  abuse  of  the  inhabitants,  threatening  to  burn  the 
town  as  soon  as  they  had  driven  away  the  Roman  troops. 
Meantime,  the  Romans  demolished  several  houses  adjoining 
the  head  of  the  bridge,  and  made  use  of  the  débris  to  form 
a semi-circular  intrenchment  of  contravallation,  ending 


78 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


against  the  river  at  its  two  extremities.  Titurius  estab- 
lished some  posts  along  the  rivulet  ; and  on  the  larger 
stream  above  the  city  he  constructed  a bridge  of  boats 
guarded  by  two  posts  at  either  end.  This  accomplished, 
he  removed  with  the  bulk  of  his  troops  to  the  northern  part 
of  the  plateau. 

Next  day  he  examined  the  position,  after  having  filled 
up  a part  of  the  intrenchment  ; but  Catognatus  had  done 
away  with  the  egresses  of  the  northern  front,  and  completed 
the  rampart  at  this  point.  The  assault  was  vigorously 
repulsed.  This  success  emboldened  the  besieged,  and  they 
began  to  overwhelm  the  legate  with  sarcasms.  Seeing  that 
he  could  not  take  the  Oppidum  by  storm,  in  presence  of  a 
determined  and  numerous  body  of  men,  he  resolved  upon 
a regular  siege. 

Although  the  cutting  dug  by  the  defenders  between  the 
Oppidum  and  the  plateau  was  only  a bowshot  from  the 

rampart,  in  a few  hours  it  was  almost  entirely  filled  up, 

consolidated,  and  levelled.  Then  Titurius  had  a great 
number  of  trees  felled  in  the  woods  extending  along  the 
northern  plateau,  and  brought  in  front  of  the  camp. 

This  wood  being  duly  prepared,  an  agger  was  com- 
menced fifteen  paces  from  the  ramparts,  in  spite  of  the 
darts  and  stones  hurled  by  the  besieged. 

This  agger  consisted  of  a terrace  about  a hundred  paces 
long,  ten  feet  high  and  twenty  deep,  with  a gap  in  the 

middle  twelve  paces  wide.  From  the  two  sides  of  this 

interval  extended  at  right  angles  two  galleries  ( vineœ ), 
solidly  constructed  with  trunks  of  trees  and  covered  in  ; 
these  galleries  were  about  a hundred  paces  long.  The 
agger  was  made  of  trunks  of  trees  piled  up,  mingled  with 
earth,  with  inclines  for  reaching  the  summit.  This  was 
a work  of  some  days  ; and  as  during  that  time  the  Romans 
made  no  attack,  and  thought  only  of  protecting  those 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


79 


engaged  in  it  from  the  missiles  thrown  from  the  ram- 
parts, the  besieged  did  not  cease  to  ridicule  them  (for 
they  were  within  hearing),  asking  them  if  they  were  in- 


Fig.  io. 


tending  to  build  a city  and  pass  the  winter  there.  But 
one  morning  the  warriors  of  the  Oppidum  saw  a wooden 
tower  rising  at  the  extremity  of  the  two  galleries.  This 
tower,  the  woodwork  of  which  had  been  prepared 


8o 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


beforehand,  was  set  up  within  the  day  ; its  summit  rose 
more  than  ten  feet  above  the  top  of  the  towers  of  the 
rampart  (Fig.  io). 

The  Gauls  contemplated  this  structure  with  uneasiness, 
although  they  did  not  comprehend  its  importance  ; so 
Catognatus  resolved  to  set  fire  to  the  works  during  the 
night.  With  this  view  he  had  placed  on  the  ramparts, 
behind  the  wattling,  barrels  filled  with  pitch,  grease,  and 
dry  sticks  ; then  he  placed  two  bodies  in  readiness  to  go 
out  by  the  eastern  and  western  gates,  provided  with 
vessels  full  of  resin,  tow,  and  grease.  These  troops  were 
to  make  their  way  along  the  outside  of  the  defences,  and 
simultaneously  attack  the  flanks  of  the  besiegers,  while 
the  men  posted  on  the  ramparts  were  to  remove  a por- 
tion of  the  wattling,  and  to  roll  the  barrels,  after  setting 


gate  at  nightfall  had  these  points  protected  by  stakes, 
and  had  a quantity  of  stimuli  (Fig.  u)  driven  into  the 
ground  outside.  About  the  third  hour  of  the  night 
the  besieged  issued  noiselessly  from  the  two  gates  and 
came  within  half  a bowshot  of  the  Roman  posts.  At 
a signal  given  from  the  interior,  the  two  bodies  rushed 
at  once  on  the  besiegers’  flanks.  But  even  before  they 


them  on  fire,  against  the 
agger  whose  front  was 
raised  on  the  counter- 
scarp of  the  ditch. 


Fig.  ii. 


The  Romans  had  been 
able  to  see  these  pre- 
parations from  the  sum- 
mit of  the  tower  ; more- 
over, they  stationed  a 
strong  guard  on  the 
flanks  of  the  plateau 
every  evening.  The  le- 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


81 


could  reach  the  palisades,  many  of  them,  wounded  by 
the  stimuli , fell  uttering  cries  of  pain.  Those  who  reached 
the  besiegers’  posts,  thinned  by  the  darts  showered  upon 
them,  and  hesitating  on  seeing  so  many  of  their  party 
fall,  were  more  inclined  to  fly  than  to  continue  the  attack 
when  they  saw  themselves  in  their  turn  taken  in  flank 
and  rear  by  the  besiegers.  The  defenders  on  the  ram- 
parts, whom  the  darkness  of  the  night  prevented  from 
seeing  clearly  what  was  taking  place,  and  not  knowing 
whether  the  confusion  arose  from  the  flight  of  the  Romans 
or  of  their  own  men,  dared  not  discharge  stones  and 
arrows. 

Meanwhile  the  lighted  barrels  were  being  rolled  in  front 
of  the  galleries,  which  had  already  begun  to  take  fire.  By 
the  glare  of  the  flames  they  could  see  the  Roman  soldiers 
mount  on  the  terrace  carrying  baskets  full  of  wet  earth,, 
which  they  threw  on  the  barrels  ; and  the  defenders  killed 
or  wounded  many  of  them.  At  this  moment  some  of  the 
fugitives  who  had  taken  part  in  the  two  sorties,  re-entered 
the  camp  calling  out  that  they  were  pursued  by  the 
Romans. 

Catognatus  had  barely  time  to  send  troops  to  defend 
the  two  egresses  and  to  protect  the  retreat  of  his  men. 
He  himself  took  up  a position  in  the  centre  of  the  Oppi- 
dum with  a chosen  band,  that  he  might  be  able  to  assist 
the  quarter  that  should  be  most  closely  pressed.  Aided 
by  this  diversion  the  Romans,  less  harassed  by  darts  from 
the  rampart,  were  able  to  extinguish  the  fire.  They  took 
advantage  of  the  last  hours  of  the  night  to  advance  the 
tower  along  the  galleries  by  means  of  rollers,  as  far  as 
the  edge  of  the  agger , and  in  the  morning  the  warriors 
of  the  Val  d’Avon  were  not  a little  surprised  to  see  this 
ponderous  wooden  structure  commanding  the  whole  ram- 
part and  the  towers  of  the  defences. 


G 


82 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


At  dawn,  showers  of  stones  and  arrows  hurled  from  the 
top  of  the  besiegers’  tower  prevented  them  from  approach- 
ing the  defences,  and  two  catapults  swept  the  part  of  the 
Oppidum  in  front  of  it  with  enormous  missiles,  which, 
hissing  through  the  air,  killed  or  shattered  to  fragments 
all  they  encountered.  Two  onagri  overwhelmed  with 
stones  the  scaffolding  set  up  by  the  defenders  on  their 
front  to  attack  the  agger,  and  smashed  it  in  pieces. 


A bridge  was  soon  let  down  on  the  rampart  from  the 
face  of  the  tower,  and  the  Romans,  advancing  in  good 
order,  took  possession  of  the  defences  (Fig.  12). 

Catognatus  and  his  retainers,  to  the  number  of  five  or 
six  hundred,  had  not  expected  this  turn  of  events,  and 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE.  83 

had  taken  refuge  in  the  stronghold  built  beyond  the 
Némède,  at  the  southern  part  of  the  Oppidum. 

When  the  besiegers,  whom  no  one  thought  any  longer 
of  resisting,  were  drawn  up  in  force  on  the  rampart,  and 
had  occupied  the  towers — killing  those  who  occupied  them 
rather  as  refugees  than  as  defenders — they  separated  into 
three  large  bodies  : the  two  wings  marched  along  the 
inner  side  of  the  rampart,  taking  one  after  another  the 
towers  upon  it,  and  entered  the  enclosures  and  houses, 
killing  those  who  endeavoured  to  resist.  The  centre  troop, 
drawn  up  in  the  form  of  a wedge,  marched  right  on  and 
swept  the  plateau.  The  unfortunate  defenders  fled,  and 
crowded  together  along  the  side  of  the  Némède.  Many 
endeavoured  to  gain  the  stronghold,  but  the  entrances 
were  closed  and  the  bridge  destroyed.  Catognatus  was 
thus  abandoning  the  greater  part  of  his  followers  and 
leaving  them  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  The  warriors 
of  the  Val  d’Avon  threw  away  their  arms,  and  with  out- 
stretched hands  implored  quarter  of  the  Romans.  Titurius 
then  stayed  the  slaughter,  and  told  the  defenders  that 
if  they  gave  up  Catognatus  and  the  Helvetii  who  had 
taken  refuge  among  them,  their  lives  should  be  spared. 
Pointing  to  the  lofty  fort  beyond  the  Némède,  the  be- 
sieged replied  that  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  surrender 
Catognatus,  who  had  taken  refuge  there  with  a small 
number  of  his  followers,  but  that  they  would  immediately 
deliver  up  the  Helvetii  still  among  them.  The  legate 
wishing  to  act  with  mildness,  according  to  Cæsar’s  instruc- 
tions, contented  himself  with  this  assurance.  The  Helvetii 
were  immediately  delivered  up,  and  the  people  of  Avon, 
disarmed  and  stripped  of  their  warlike  accoutrements, 
were  sent  back  to  the  valley,  with  the  exception  of  a 
hundred  hostages.  The  few  chiefs,  however,  who  had 
remained  among  them,  having  been  put  in  fetters,  were 

G 2 


84 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


to  be  kept,  with  a view  to  being  placed  at  Cæsar’s  dis- 
posal. As  to  the  Helvetii,  who  numbered  five  or  six 
hundred,  Titurius  kept  some  as  hostages  ; the  rest,  having 
been  disarmed,  were  ordered  to  return  to  their  country 
by  the  most  direct  route  : provisions  for  the  journey  were 
distributed  among  them. 

The  buildings  of  the  Némède  and  its  grove  prevented 
Catognatus  from  seeing  what  was  going  on  beneath  its 
walls,  but  as  he  no  longer  heard  war-cries  nor  the  clash 
of  arms,  he  concluded  that  his  men  had  surrendered. 
As  for  himself  and  his  retainers,  knowing  that  they 
had  no  mercy  to  hope  for,  they  prepared  themselves  for 
defence,  and  resolved  to  sell  their  lives  as  dearly  as 
possible. 

A deep  ditch  partly  cut  in  the  rock  separated  the 
stronghold  from  the  Némède.  The  defences  consisted  of 
an  enclosure,  made  in  Gallic  fashion,  of  trunks  of  trees 
alternating  with  layers  of  stone  surmounted  by  wattling. 
A large  quadrangular  tower,  constructed  in  the  same  way, 
enclosing  four  stories,  and  terminated  by  a roof  of  reeds 
covering  a crenelation,  served  as  a place  of  retreat. 
Within  the  enclosure  were  wooden  huts  for  the  garrison  ; 
as  the  tower,  which  was  only  twenty  paces  wide  by  twenty 
deep,  and  whose  walls  were  thick  (about  three  paces), 
could  barely  contain  a hundred  men. 

Titurius  reconnoitred  the  approaches.  The  ditch  in- 
terrupted all  communication  with  the  Oppidum,  and  ended 
against  its  ramparts.  Towards  the  south,  the  stronghold 
rose  immediately  over  the  escarpment,  which  on  this  side 
was  so  steep  that  no  ditch  had  been  required.  But  a 
palisade  on  the  outside,  fixed  in  a mound,  prevented  ap- 
proach to  the  base  of  the  stronghold.  As  stated  before, 
the  walls  of  the  upper  town  occupying  the  southern  slopes 
extended  to  the  rampart  of  the  Oppidum.  But  these 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


35 

walls  had  been  abandoned  by  the  warriors  of  Catognatus 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  stronghold.  On  quitting  the 
upper  town  they  had  set  fire  to  the  bridge,  seeing  which, 
the  Romans  posted  opposite  the  head  of  the  bridge  had 
passed  this  latter  without  meeting  any  resistance,  and  had 
succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  flames.  The  bridge  was 
promptly  repaired. 

The  legate,  therefore,  effected  a communication  with  his 
troops  in  the  northern  quarter,  who  were  then  occupying 
the  upper  town,  and  completely  invested  the  stronghold. 
Time  pressed,  and  as  he  had  already  lost  twelve  days 
before  the  Oppidum,  haste  was  necessary. 

In  the  first  place,  he  sent  one  of  the  Gallic  prisoners  to 
hold  a parley  with  the  defenders  of  the  stronghold.  He 
promised  to  spare  their  lives  if  they  would  give  up  their 
chief,  and  the  Helvetii  that  might  be  among  them.  If,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  attack  was  once  commenced,  they 
must  expect  to  be  all  put  to  the  sword. 

The  messenger  was  received  by  a shower  of  stones,  and 
returned  bleeding  to  the  legate,  who  could  no  longer 
hesitate.  The  order  was  given  to  fill  up  the  ditch,  and  to 
speed  the  work  ; the  centurions,  employing  threats  and 
blows  at  need,  compelled  a good  many  of  the  vanquished 
to  carry  faggots  and  earth.  Protecting  themselves  with 
mantelets,  the  Romans  suffered  only  trifling  loss,  for  the 
besieged  had  but  few  missiles.  Besides,  Titurius  had 
brought  up  the  engines  of  war,  demolished  those  parts  of 
the  wall  of  the  Némède  which  might  embarrass  the  opera- 
tions, and  posted  the  best  slingers  and  archers  on  the 
flanks,  so  that  the  rampart  of  the  stronghold,  riddled  with 
projectiles,  was  scarcely  tenable.  At  night  the  filling-in  of 
the  fosse  was  consolidated  by  timberwork,  on  which  were 
spread  brushwood  and  turf. 

At  the  first  hour  of  the  day  a cohort  advanced  in  slow 


86 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


march  on  the  ground  thus  made,  forming  the  testudo 

(Fig.  13). 

Some  of  the  defenders  endeavoured  to  resist  ; but  they 
were  few  in  number,  and  exposed  to  the  projectiles  which 
the  auxiliary  troops  of  slingers  and  archers  incessantly 
discharged  upon  them  in  an  oblique  direction  The  ram- 
part was  soon  taken  ; but  darts,  stones,  and  flaming  ‘balls 


of  pitch  and  tow  were  hurled  upon  the  assailants  from  the 
tower,  and  if  they  attempted  to  approach  it,  planks  and 
pots  filled  with  gravel.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  set 
up  screens  on  the  rampart  even  ; for  to  abandon  that  would 
have  revived  the  courage  of  the  defenders.  Here  the 
Romans  lost  several  men,  and  many  were  wounded.  To 
set  fire  to  the  tower  was  scarcely  possible;  for  constructions 
of  timber  mingled  with  stone  do  not  readily  take  fire 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE. 


8 7 


Titurius,  however,  placed  one  of  his  catapults  so  that  the 
projectiles  thrown  by  it  should  reach  the  roof  of  the 
tower;  and  when  satisfied  that  this  object  was  attained  (it 
was  towards  sunset),  kept  up  a continuous  discharge  of  burn- 
ing missiles — consisting  of  darts  wrapped  in  tow  saturated 
with  oil  and  tar — on  the  roof,  which  soon  caught  fire.  The 
legate  made  sure  that  as  the  floors  of  the  tower  were  of 
timber,  the  roof  when  it  fell  in  would  communicate  the  fire 
to  the  ground  story  ; and  in  fact,  the  roof  had  not  long 
fallen  in  when  a dense  column  of  smoke,  accompanied  by 
sparks  which  appeared  as  if  issuing  from  a vast  chimney, 
shot  forth  from  the  summit  of  the  tower. 

Catognatus,  and  those  of  his  followers  who  had  crowded 
into  the  stronghold,  despairing  of  maintaining  it,  then 
opened  a concealed  aperture,  which  gave  egress  on  the 
sides  of  the  upper  town  ; and  without  bucklers,  a sword 
in  one  hand,  a flaming  brand  in  the  other,  rushed  yvith 
terrible  cries  on  the  Romans,  who  were  keeping  guard 
outside  the  palisading  on  that  side,  and  who,  surprised  by 
this  column  of  warriors,  opposed  but  a feeble  resistance, 
and  made  an  attempt  to  rally  and  fall  upon  the  flanks  of 
the  fugitives.  It  was  night,  and  the  slopes  were  steep, 
occupied  here  and  there  by  houses  and  palisading  en- 
closing gardens.  The  Romans  were  ill-acquainted  with 
the  ground,  and  often  got  into  places  whence  there  was 
no  exit. 

Catognatus  and  his  followers,  reduced  to  about  two 
hundred  men,  rapidly  descended  the  paths  with  which 
they  were  familiar  ; and  in  passing  threw  their  brands 
upon  the  thatched  roofs,  or  into  the  barns  filled  with  ha}' 
and  straw.  The  inhabitants  rushed  out  in  bewilderment, 
not  knowing  whence  the  attack  came.  Seeing  parties  of 
Romans  passing  by  seeking  egress,  entering  the  gardens 
and  the  houses,  and  breaking  through  the  gates  and 


88 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS, 


barricades  to  reach  Catognatus  and  his  men,  they  cried 
“Treachery!”  and  threw  stones  at  them,  thinking  their 
object  was  to  burn  and  massacre.  The  women,  with  dis- 
hevelled hair,  threw  themselves  in  their  path,  covering 
them  with  abuse  ; others  hurled  furniture  and  whatever 
came  to  hand  upon  them  from  the  windows.  Rendered 
furious  by  these  obstacles,  by  the  failure  of  their  pursuit, 
and  the  attacks  of  the  inhabitants,  and  seeing  it  was 
useless  to  reason  with  these  terror-stricken  people,  the 
Romans  killed  all  they  encountered. 

Hearing  this  outcry,  and  seeing  the  sky  lit  up  by  the 
flames,  the  legate  guessed  what  had  happened,  and  sent 
two  cohorts  over  the  ramparts  on  the  town  side,  with  in- 
junctions to  march  with  orderly  pace  down  the  paths, 
rallying  the  Roman  troops,  and  driving  the  inhabitants 
before  them.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  a centurion,  by 
the  bridge  of  boats  which  he  had  formed  across  the  river 
above  the  town,  to  warn  the  Roman  detachments  that 
could  be  got  together  in  the  lower  town  and  at  the  gate- 
way of  the  bridge,  not  to  let  any  one  pass  out  from  the 
upper  town. 

Catognatus,  with  most  of  his  warriors,  had  in  fact  got 
as  far  as  the  bridge  ; but  he  found  it  guarded  by  a body 
of  Romans.  He  attempted  to  cut  his  way  through  them; 
but  as  the  bridge  was  somewhat  long,  the  enterprise  was 
hazardous.  The  commander  of  the  guard,  an  old  soldier, 
had  marshalled  his  men  at  the  first  alarm,  seeing  that  this 
passage  must  be  defended  at  any  cost.  Barricading  the 
entrance  with  all  the  materials  they  could  collect,  they 
awaited  the  fugitives  behind  their  bucklers.  When  Catog- 
natus presented  himself  and — uttering  the  war-cry — sought 
to  force  his  way  through,  he  was  met  at  close  quarters 
with  a shower  of  darts.  The  whole  foremost  rank  of  the 
fugitives  fell  right  and  left  : the  others,  rendered  frantic  by 


THE  SECOND  SIEGE . 


89 


despair,  passed  over  their  bodies  and  threw  themselves 
upon  the  front  of  the  Romans,  who  had  now'  taken  to  their 
swords.  A fearful  struggle  commerced,  lighted  only  by 
the  gleam  of  the  conflagration.  The  Romans,  having  the 
glare  in  their  faces,  aimed  badly,  while  the  Gallic  warriors 
knew  w'here  to  strike. 

The  column  of  fugitives  began  to  melt  before  the 
Roman  front,  whose  gaps  were  immediately  filled  up 
Then  came  up  the  centurion,  with  fifty  men  whom  he  had 
rallied.  Seeing  themselves  supported,  the  Roman  guard 
took  the  offensive,  and  pressed  on  to  the  platform  of  the 
bridge,  hewing  down  the  remnant  of  the  defenders  of  the 
Oppidum  like  bushes  in  a thicket.  Not  one  of  these 
warriors  drew  back  ; all  met  their  death  in  the  pass 
through  which  they  had  thought  to  make  their  way. 

It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  order  was  restored  in 
the  upper  town,  and  only  when  they  saw  the  Romans 
extinguishing  the  fires  did  the  inhabitants  begin  to  un- 
derstand what  had  happened. 

Next  morning  the  body  of  Catognatus  was  found  lying 
on  the  bridge  ; his  head  was  sent  to  Caesar,  and  the  expe- 
dition being  terminated,  Titurius  led  back  the  legion  and 
the  auxiliaries  to  their  quarteis  among  the  Ædui. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  PERMANENT  CAMP— FOUNDATION  OF  A CITÉ . 

Six  years  after  the  events  just  related,  the  siege  of  Alesia 
being  terminated,  Caesar  gave  orders  for  the  establishment 
of  a permanent  camp  on  the  plateau  of  Avon — the  site 
of  the  Gallic  Oppidum. 

As  the  plateau  was  near  the  road  connecting  Chalons- 
sur-Saône  with  Langres,  Cæsar  judged  it  desirable  to  have 
at  this  point,  which  was  naturally  favourable  for  defence,  a 
safe  retreat  for  a numerous  body  of  troops,  more  especially 
as  the  road  passed  through  somewhat  disturbed  countries. 
The  camp  was  to  be  sufficient  in  case  of  need  for  two 
legions  and  some  auxiliaries — about  twenty  thousand  men. 
Now,  as  the  site  of  the  Oppidum  was  much  more  ex- 
tensive than  was  needed  for  a force  of  that  strength,  it 
was  determined  that  the  camp  should  be  placed  on  the 
southern  part  of  the  plateau,  whose  level  was  elevated 
some  few  feet  above  the  northern  point,  and  which  was 
separated  from  this  extremity  by  a wide  ditch. 

Fig.  14  gives  a plan  of  the  arrangement.  A ditch  thirty 
feet  wide  and  seven  feet  deep  divided  the  plateau  obliquely 
from  W.N.W.  to  E.S.E  At  A was  placed  the  Praetorian 
gate,  and  at  B the  Prætorium.  At  D was  the  Decuman 
gate.  The  two  lateral  gates,  F,  E,  fronted  east  and  west 
respectively.  The  sunken  roadways  of  the  Gauls  had  to 
be  altered  and  made  into  metalled  roads  ; they  started 
right  and  left  of  the  bridge,  C,  and  followed  the  acclivities 


Fig.  14.— The  Roman  Permanent  Camp. 


92 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


of  the  plateau,  rising  till  they  branched  off  at  o into  the 
road  from  Chalons  to  Langres.  From  these  two  lateral 
military  roads  there  was  an  ascent  to  the  gates  E,  D,  F,  the 
place  d'armes , H,  and  the  two  side  entrances  of  the  small 
advanced  camp,  I,  on  the  south  point  of  the  plateau.  Thus 
the  outer  circuit  could  be  traversed  without  difficulty. 

The  ramparts  of  the  town  occupying  the  southern 
declivities  of  the  promontory  were  destroyed,  and  the 
inhabitants  obliged  to  settle  on  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
either  to  the  south-east  or  to  the  south.  The  head  of 
the  bridge,  C,  was  repaired. 

The  gates  of  the  camp  had  good  claviculœ , each  with 
two  towers  constructed  of  dry  walling,  earth,  and  timber 
work  (Fig.  15). 

At  regular  intervals  along  the  vallum — which,  except 
the  front  on  the  N.N.E.,  exactly  followed  the  edge  of  the 
plateau — were  erected  towers,  or  rather  watch-towers,  of 
timber.  In  addition  to  the  supply  from  the  wells  within 
the  limits  of  the  camp,  the  Romans  collected  the  water 
of  the  springs  on  the  northern  plateau,  by  means  of  pipes 
made  of  trunks  of  trees  bored  lengthwise  and  joined 
end  to  end.  This  channel  followed  the  roadway  G,  and 
conducted  the  water  into  six  good  cisterns,  hollowed  out 
in  the  rock  and  lined  with  cement.  There  was  a cistern 
under  the  Prætorium,  and  two  for  each  of  the  legions. 

On  the  western  side  palisades  connected  the  smaller 
camp  with  the  ditch  sunk  near  the  angle  of  the  Præ- 
torium ; while  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  plateau  its 
escarpment  rendered  this  precaution  unnecessary. 

The  engineer  entrusted  with  the  setting  out  had  dis- 
posed the  fosse  in  an  oblique  direction,  as  shown  in 
Fig.  14,  so  as  to  present  a larger  front  to  assailants  who, 
having  taken  the  smaller  camp,  should  present  themselves 
on  the  place  d'armes , H.  The  projecting  angle  was  well 


PERMANENT  CAMP— FOUA DATION  OF  A CITÉ  93 


defended  by  the  Prætorium,  and  the  obliquity  of  the 
vallum  enabled  the  defenders  making  a sortie  by  the 
Praetorian  gate,  and  by  that  marked  F,  to  take  the  enemy 
almost  in  rear,  and  to  drive  them  over  the  eastern  de- 
clivity of  the  plateau. 

The  rampart  walk  of  the  vallum  was  raised  three  feet 
above  the  level  of  the  camp,  and  was  furnished  with  a 
cresting  of  stakes  with  wattling  to  retain  the  earth  o 


Fig.  15. 


the  parapet  (see  Fig.  15).  The  fosse  was  twelve  feet  wide 
and  seven  deep,  and  wTas  continued  all  round  the  camp, 
even  on  the  sides  where  the  declivities  were  steep. 

The  Némède  was  demolished.  The  Druids  had  it  re- 
erected  on  the  plateau  in  front  of  the  camp,  to  the  south, 
at  the  entrance  of  the  wood.  The  inhabitants  of  the 


94 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Val  d’Avon  were  enjoined,  under  penalty  of  seeing  their 
town  destroyed,  to  abstain  from  injuring  these  intrench- 
ments  while  unoccupied  ; they  were  even  charged  to  keep 
them  in  repair,  and  to  supply  provisions  to  the  troops 
who  should  be  quartered  there  to  protect  the  country 
against  the  invasions  of  the  barbarians  ; for  as  Gaul 
was  then  tranquilized  internally,  and  brought  under  the 
Roman  sway,  there  was  nothing  to  fear,  except  the 
attacks  of  the  Germans,  who  were  continually  threaten- 
ing the  north-eastern  provinces. 

The  camp  was  in  fact  occupied  several  times  by  Roman 
troops,  and  new  works  were  successively  planned  and  exe- 
cuted there.  The  country  was  fertile,  and  the  position 
excellent,  viz.,  between  the  large  towns  Chalons-sur-Saône 
(Cabillonum),  Langres  ( Andrematunnum),  and  Autun 
(Bibracte).  The  camp  received  the  name  of  Aboniæ 
Castrum , the  town  being  thenceforth  called  Abonia — a 
name  which  it  retained  until  the  fourth  century. 

It  was  from  Abonia  that  Vindex  set  out  with  a party  of 
troops,  which  he  assembled  in  the  plains  of  the  Saône,  to 
rouse  Gaul  in  revolt  against  Nero,  and  to  give  the  empire  to 
Galba.  After  the  death  of  the  Gallic  hero,  Galba  wished 
to  testify  his  gratitude  to  the  towns  and  countiies  that  had 
declared  in  his  favour:  and  Abonia  then  acquired  the  title 
and  rights  of  civitas , and  enjoyed  a long  peace. 

From  the  reign  of  Titus  onwards,  the  camp  was  no 
longer  appropriated  exclusively  to  the  troops.  At  the 
time  when  the  Oppidum  had  been  converted  into  a perma- 
nent camp,  the  whole  of  the  plateau,  its  slopes,  and  part 
of  the  ground  situated  to  the  north,  had  been  considered  as 
Ager  Romamis.  It  was  what  we  should  now  call  “crown 
land  A —Ager  Publiais.  The  inhabitants,  therefore,  could 

not  possess  or  build  upon  this  land,  or,  if  permitted  to 
occupy  a part,  it  was  as  usufructuaries,  not  as  freeholders. 


PERMANENT  CAMP— FOUNDATION  OF  A CITE . 95 


This  Roman  law,  which  dated  from  the  time  of  the 
Republic,  and  which  at  first  affected  all  provincial  soil,  was 
never  rigorously  applied.  Its  enforcement  would  have 
been  difficult,  and  the  populations  of  the  provinces,  as 
well  as  those  of  Italy,  solicited  and  easily  obtained  the 
jus  I tali  cum,  which  consisted  in  the  full  possession  of  the 
soil,  with  liberty  to  use,  to  sell,  and  to  transmit  it  by  way 
of  inheritance.  When  the  imperial  government  was  defi- 
nitively established,  the  emperors  favoured  the  development 
of  the  principle  of  private  property  ; because  the  great 
landholders  were  then  the  only  persons  who  could  be 
considered  as  forming  an  aristocratic  class,  privileged,  it 
is  true,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  bearing  the  burden  of 
special  functions — such,  for  instance,  as  that  of  urban 
magistrature,  then  very  onerous.  It  must  be  observed 
that  the  civic  rights  accorded  by  Rome  extended  not 
only  to  a town,  but  to  the  whole  of  the  territory  per- 
taining to  it. 

As  the  Vale  of  Abonia  possessed  the  jus  civitatis , and 
the  site  of  the  camp  remained  unoccupied,  the  inhabitants 
petitioned  that  ground  so  well  adapted  to  habitations 
should  be  restored  to  civil  uses.  It  was  then  determined 
by  the  Emperor  Vespasian  that  the  ager publiais  of  Abonia 
should  be  colonized.  Colonization  under  the  Roman  em- 
pire meant  the  division  solemnly  made  by  the  agrimen- 
sores , according  to  certain  religious  prescriptions,  of  a part 
of  the  ager  publiais  into  shares. 

These  shares  were  unequal,  and,  although  apportioned 
by  lot  among  the  colonists — that  is  to  say,  among  the 
native  inhabitants  and  the  foreigners  who  presented  them- 
selves as  applicants  for  their  possession,  it  always  happened 
— by  what  means  we  are  unable  to  say — that  the  allotments 
fell  according  to  the  rank  or  fortune  of  the  individual.  The 
ancient  Oppidum  was  therefore  colonized. 


96 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


The  remains  of  its  ramparts  soon  disappeared  ; the  wide 
fosse,  which  separated  the  large  camp  from  the  smaller  one, 
became  a road  terminating  by  sloping  paths  in  the  level  of 
the  plateau  ; a theatre  rose  on  the  eastern  declivity  ; water 
was  brought  in  abundance,  by  a fine  aqueduct  of  masonry, 
to  baths  constructed  at  the  southern  point,  and  to  all  the 
new  habitations  which  soon  arose  on  every  side,  surrounded 
by  gardens.  A temple,  dedicated  to  Augustus,  was  erected 
on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Praetorium,  on  the  very  spot 
where  stood  the  shrine  of  former  days,  and  a second 
sacred  edifice  dedicated,  say  some,  to  Hercules — which  is 
doubtful — took  the  place  of  the  ancient  southern  strong- 
hold. A forum  and  a basilica  occupied  the  middle  of  the 
plateau.  The  villæ  spread  beyond  the  circumvallation,  and 
extended  over  the  two  declivities,  east  and  west. 

The  lower  town  continued  to  be  occupied  by  the  mer- 
chants, craftsmen,  boatmen,  and  the  poorer  class  ; it  ex- 
tended along  the  two  shores  down  the  river.  The  bridge 
previously  mentioned  was  rebuilt  with  stone,  and  a second 
bridge  of  timber  was  thrown  across  half  a mile  further  up 
the  stream,  at  the  continuation  of  the  sunken  way  by  which 
the  plateau  was  divided. 


CHAPTER  VIL 


THE  FORTIFIED  CITE. 

THREE  centuries  of  peace  had  caused  the  disappearance  of 
the  last  vestiges  of  the  ancient  ramparts  which  surrounded 
the  permanent  camp  of  the  Romans,  then  occupied  by  the 
cité  of  Abonia.  But  for  many  years  the  incursions  of 
the  Germans  had  disquieted  some  of  the  neighbouring 
countries.  They  had  made  their  appearance  among  the 
Remi  several  times,  and  although  they  habitually  pre- 
sented themselves  as  defenders  of  the  empire,  or  were 
actually  called  in  by  one  party  or  the  other  during  the 
civil  discords  by  which  Gaul  was  then  rent,  their  conduct 
was  that  of  enemies,  not  of  allies.  Finding  the  country 
attractive,  they  spread  gradually  among  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces, robbing,  pillaging,  and  burning  among  the  friends 
who  invited  their  aid,  as  well  as  among  the  enemies  they 
were  going  to  attack.  At  their  approach  the  rural  districts 
were  deserted,  and  the  uninclosed  towns  hastily  fortified. 

Reims,  Langres,  and  Autun  had  repaired  their  defences. 
Sens  had  walled  itself  round  with  the  materials  of  its 
chief  public  buildings.  The  vale  of  Abonia,  which  at 
that  time  contained  about  twenty  thousand  inhabitants, 
followed  their  example  ; and  pulling  down  their  public 
edifices  and  the  deserted  temples  of  the  city,  the  urban 
population  formed  ramparts  around  the  plateau  and  a 
fence  around  the  lower  towns. 

H 


98 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


The  works,  however,  undertaken  in  haste,  were  of  no 
great  account,  and  fortunately  the  Germans  did  not  think 
of  assailing  them;  but  in  the  year  359,  Julian,  having 
assumed  the  purple,  betook  himself  to  Gaul  to  drive  out 
the  barbarians.  The  siege  of  Autun  raised,  he  passed 
through  Abonia,  found  its  situation  excellent,  and  arranged 
the  plan  of  a fortress,  which  after  the  battle  of  Strasburg 
and  the  defeat  of  Chnodomar,  was  carried  into  execu- 
tion. Abonia  thus  fortified  formed  part  of  the  second  line 
of  strong  places  established  by  Julian  between  Reims  and 
Lyons,  in  anticipation  of  fresh  invasions  by  the  Germans. 

Gaul,  although  her  sons  had  furnished  the  Roman 
army  with  its  best  soldiers  for  three  centuries,  had  be- 
come unaccustomed  to  war  at  home.  The  Roman  legions 
no  longer  consisted  of  troops  such  as  those  commanded  by 
the  Vespasians,  the  Tituses,  and  the  Trajans.  Composed 
principally  of  barbarians,  they  wanted  cohesion,  were  not 
sustained  by  patriotism,  and  deposed  their  chiefs  on  the 
slightest  pretext. 

The  latter,  moreover,  too  often  appointed  by  a court 
governed  by  intrigue,  were  for  the  most  part  incapable, 
or  eager  to  enrich  themselves  rather  than  to  conquer  the 
enemy.  For  these  troops,  composed  of  heterogeneous 
elements,  and  having  no  faith  in  the  valour  of  the  chiefs 
placed  over  them — -for  these  populations,  accustomed  to 
peace  and  the  well-being  it  secures — ramparts  were 
necessary,  behind  which  the  defence  of  the  territory 
might  be  organized  ; for  in  the  open  field,  such  was  the 
terror  inspired  by  the  Germans  that  a prolonged  resist- 
ance could  not  be  reckoned  upon.  Julian,  however,  had 
shown  that  the  troops  in  the  pay  of  the  empire,  if  well 
commanded,  were  still  in  a condition  to  fight  the  bar- 
barians ; but  Julian  was  a philosopher  ; he  understood 
his  times,  and  could  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  unsound 


JOOO  7 rv. 


THE  CALLO-ROMAN  TOWN  CITE  JULIANA. 


coorep  4 Hoosen.  lith,  isi < si 


THE  FORTIFIED  CITÉ . 


99 


state  of  the  imperial  government,  or  at  least  believed  the 
evil  to  lie  so  deep  that  he  attempted  to  stay  its  pro- 
gress by  a return  to  paganism,  hoping  perhaps  in  this 
way  to  restore  youth  to  the  worn-out  body. 

Julian  had  then  about  him  Byzantine  engineers  who 
were  very  skilful  in  the  art  of  fortifying  places.  This 
branch  of  knowledge  is  often  developed  among  nations 
in  proportion  to  the  decay  of  military  organization  in  the 
field.  The  conqueror  of  the  Germans  had  caused  the  for- 
tifications of  Autun  to  be  repaired  and  completed. 

Those  of  Abonia,  which  were  less  extensive,  were 
carried  out  with  completeness  according  to  an  entirely 
new  plan,  since  there  existed  no  traces  of  the  ancient  for- 
tifications : the  engineer  Philostratus  sent  by  Julian  was 
therefore  left  to  his  own  discretion. 

He  began  by  clearing  away  *:he  slopes  of  the  ancient 
Oppidum  along  the  verge  of  the  plateau,  thus  removing 
some  of  the  villæ  that  had  not  been  destroyed  at  the 
time  when  the  arrival  of  the  Germans  was  expected  (see 
Fig.  16).  After  having  carefully  studied  the  conformation 
of  the  ground,  he  perceived  that  the  front  of  the  city 
towards ‘the  north  was  weak,  inasmuch  as  this  front  was 
most  accessible  to  attack  on  account  of  the  neighbouring 
plateau,  whose  level  was  but  little  below  that  of  the  site. 
He  determined,  therefore,  to  fall  back,  so  as  to  get  a more 
extended  front.  The  front  thus  adopted  was  three  hundred 
and  fifty  paces  long.1  Outside  of  this  front  he  had  a fosse 
sunk  twenty  feet  wide  in  the  bottom,2  so  as  entirely  to 
divide  the  tongue  of  land  which  connected  the  promontory 
with  the  northern  plateau.  This  fosse  terminated  at  the 
two  declivities  east  and  west.  At  each  end  the  bottom 
of  the  fosse  was  furnished  with  palisades,  and  there  was  a 

1 A pace  was  equivalent  to  three  feet. 

2 The  Gallic  foot  was  the  pied  <1u  roi  (thirteen  inches). 

H 2 


IOO 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


descent  into  the  fosse  by  means  of  a flight  of  steps  con- 
trived in  one  of  the  towers,  as  will  presently  be  shown. 
Outside  the  fosse  he  formed  a vallum  about  four  hundred 
paces  in  length,  with  an  outwork  containing  a guard-house 
and  a watch-tower.  The  Roman  road  to  Langres  came 
to  this  point.  On  the  eastern  side,  the  aqueduct  which 
brought  water  to  the  city  followed  the  vallum , and  was 
crenelated  ( vide  A).  A gate  was  opened  in  the  north  front, 
flanked  on  the  outside  by  two  cylindrical  towers.  At  the 
north-west  angle  arose  a square  tower  high  enough  to 
afford  a distant  view  of  the  valley  at  the  bottom  of  which 
runs  the  river,  and  of  the  plateau  ; another  square  tower 
was  built  at  the  north-east  angle,  and  between  these  two 
towers  and  the  gate  two  other  towers  ; so  that  between 
each  tower  there  remained  a space  of  about  eighty  feet. 

Philostratus  remarked  that  a daring  besieger  might  run 
in  towards  the  west,  between  the  river  and  the  city,  and 
attempt  an  assault  towards  the  salient  of  the  west  front, 
which  commanded  a rather  gentle  escarpment.  From  the 
square  tower,  B,  to  the  river,  and  set  back  a little,  so  as  to 
be  flanked  by  the  western  face  of  this  tower,  he  formed  a 
vallum , with  a square  tower  at  its  extreme  end,  command- 
ing the  water-course.  P"urther  back  was  constructed  a 
wooden  bridge,  connecting  the  two  banks,  and  passing 
over  the  island  of  sand,  C.  Along  the  two  escarpments 
the  engineer  followed  almost  exactly  the  sinuosities  of  the 
edge  of  the  plateau,  but  placing  the  gates  in  the  re-enter- 
ing angles.  Two  gates  were  disposed  on  the  western  front, 
and  one  on  the  eastern,  very  near  the  situation  of  the 
ancient  entrance  to  the  Oppidum  on  that  side.  These  three 
gates  were  each  flanked  by  two  towers,  like  those  on  the 
north.  The  inclosure  of  the  city,  formed  of  a rampart 
rising  twenty  feet  above  the  level  of  the  ground,  including 
Hie  battlement,  and  nine  feet  thick,  was  thus  strengthened 


THE  FORTIFIED  CITÉ. 


IOI 


by  thirty-six  towers,  without  reckoning  those  of  the  gates. 
At  the  southern  extremity,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient 
retreat  of  Catognatus,  was  erected  a castellum , or  strong- 
hold, separated  from  the  city  by  a battlemented  wall,  and 
about  one  hundred  and  eighty  feet  away  from  the  ram  - 
parts. At  the  southern  extremity  of  the  rampart,  a square 
tower  had  to  be  built  of  greater  height  than  the  others,  to 
overlook  the  vale  of  Abonia.  Beneath  this  tower  an  egress 
was  contrived,  abutting  on  a massive  wall,  following  the 
declivity  of  the  ground,  and  crenelated  on  both  sides  ; from 
the  summit  of  which  a descent  could  be  made  into  the  work, 
E,  commanding  the  junction  of  the  rivulet  with  the  river, 
and  the  stone  bridge  constructed  there.  Upon  the  other 
bank  was  built  a vast  tête  de  pont.  The  eastern  gate  was 
furnished  with  an  outwork  commanding  the  road,  G ; on 
the  northern  flank  of  the  north-west  entrance  a guard- 
house commanded  the  vicinity  of  the  gate.  The  ap- 
proaches were  improved,  and  a wooden  bridge  was  thrown 
across  at  H,  with  a tête  de  pout  and  work  commanding  the 
confluence  of  roads  at  that  point.  Building  was  prohibited 
on  the  western  declivities — once  occupied  by  houses  and 
gardens — within  a distance  of  one  hundred  and  ten  paces 
from  the  ramparts,  or  the  military  road,  I ; that  is,  habita- 
tions were  allowed  to  remain  or  to  be  built  outside  the 
military  bounds.1  Inside  the  city,  through  the  confusedly- 
grouped  clusters  of  ancient  houses,  Philostratus  had  new 
roads  cut,2  with  a view  to  establish  a communication 
between  the  gates,  and  to  facilitate  the  defence.  At  F 
was  placed  a forum,  with  a temple  to  Apollo  at  I (for 
Julian  had  caused  a little  Christian  church,  previously 


1 The  dark  line  indicates  the  habitations  preserved,  the  red  line  the  tene- 
ments rebuilt  on  the  sites  left  unoccupied  after  the  clearing  necessary  for  the 
fortifications  and  their  approaches. 

* These  new  roads  are  indicated  by  red  lines. 


102 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


built  in  the  city,  to  be  demolished).  A basilica  was  built 
at  M,  a curia  at  N ; and  at  T baths  were  erected.  In  the 
lower  town,  quay-walls,  O,  kept  the  river  within  bounds  ; 
a vast  market  was  disposed  at  R,  and  an  emporium  for 
merchandise  at  S.  The  town,  or  rather  its  suburbs,  ex- 
tended on  the  right  bank,  east  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the 
island  of  sand,  C,  and  south,  to  the  lower  side  of  the 
large  tête  de  pont.  These  suburbs  were  simply  inclosed 
by  a vallum , as  a safeguard  against  a sudden  attack  ; for 
being  commanded  by  higher  ground  they  did  not  admit 
of  defences  adapted  to  resist  a long  siege. 

These  works  occupied  several  years,  and  were  executed 
with  resources  drawn  partly  from  the  imperial  trea  sury 
but  chiefly  from  municipal  imposts.  Abonia  was 
wealthy  ; but  it  suffered  long  from  the  burdens  imposed 
upon  it  to  render  it  secure  against  the  incursions  of  the 
barbarians.  Philostratus,  moreover,  had  authority  to 
make  requisitions  and  levy  dues,  and  he  largely  availed 
himself  of  it. 

The  undertaking  completed,  this  cité,  thus  transformed 
by  the  order  of  the  emperor  who  had  saved  Gaul,  re- 
ceived the  name  of  Juliana.  The  valley  alone  preserved 
the  name  of  Abonia. 

It  may  be  desirable  to  give  a few  details  explanatory 
of  the  defences.  Fig.  17  gives  the  section  of  the  rampart 
between  the  towers. 

Its  terrace,  raised  to  an  average  height  of  fourteen  feet 
above  the  ground-level  of  the  plateau,  had  a flight  of 
steps  between  the  towers  five  feet  wide.  The  merlons 
were  six  feet  high,  and  the  sill  of  the  embrasures  was 
three  feet  above  the  footway. 

The  rampart  was  constructed  with  two  faces,  of  courses 
of  small  square  stones,  with  courses  of  brick  at  intervals. 
The  masonry  between  the  two  faces  was  of  coarse  rubble 


THE  FORTIFIED  CITÉ . 


103 

concrete.  Outside,  along  the  verge  of  the  plateau,  a fosse 
ten  or  twelve  feet  wide  protected  the  base  of  the  rampart 
and  followed  the  projections  of  the  towers.  A narrow 
covered  way  was  led  along  the  counterscarp  to  facilitate 
surveillance  and  allow  the  patrol  to  go  their  rounds. 
Fig.  18  gives  the  plans  of  the  northern  gate  with  its  two 


owers,  at  A on  the  ground  level,  at  B on  the  level  of  the 
curtain  battlements.  In  one  of  these  towers  was  con- 
structed a stair,  C,  leading  down  to  a postern,  D,  and  in 
each  of  them  other  flights  of  stairs,  E,  which  afforded 
easy  access  to  the  higher  stories.  The  gate,  divided  into 
two  archways  for  entrance  and  exit,  was  surmounted  by 
a gallery,  G,  at  the  level  of  the  rampart-walk,  forming 
a crenelation.  The  road  crossed  the  fosse,  F,  over  an  arch, 


104 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


a , and  a wooden  platform,  b , which  could  be  easily  re- 


3 


V r _/ 

Fig.  18, 


moved  in  time  of  siege  ; and  then  upon  the  platform,  fl,  a 


io5 


THE  FORTIFIED  CIIÊ. 

screen  of  woodwork  was  to  be  erected,  completely  mask- 
ing the  two  archways.  Outside  the  bridge,  the  stonework 
of  which  was  battlemented,  two  small  uncovered  posts, 
I.  defended  the  approaches,  and  a palisade,  P,  obliged 
all  comers  to  make  a circuit  in  order  to  cross  the  bridge. 
Fig.  19  shows  this  gate  in  perspective.  Below  the  roof- 


Fig.  19. 


ing  was  the  crenelation,  which  constituted  the  effective 
defence  of  the  towers.  Moreover,  at  the  level  of  the  first 
story  three  openings  were  made,  which  in  time  of  war 
were  furnished  with  screens,  and  which  afforded  front  and 
side  views.  Munitions  of  war  were  hoisted  to  the  higher 
stories  by  means  of  pulleys  suspended  in  the  round- 
arched  openings,  K ( vide  plan  of  the  first  story).  The 
other  gates  were  constructed  on  the  same  model,  the  out- 
works alone  being  different,  according  to  the  disposition 
of  the  ground. 


io6 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Fig.  20  gives  a general  view  of  the  great  tête  de  pont 
on  the  south,  the  place  d'armes  and  the  battlemented  wall 
ascending  to  the  square  tower  on  the  south  angle  of  the 
cité,  and  the  castellum.  The  square  towers  were  not 
covered  by  roofs  but  by  platforms,  so  as  to  allow  cata- 
pults or  onagri  to  be  placed  upon  them.1 


With  this  design  quadrangular  towers  of  the  kind  de- 
scribed were  raised  at  the  salient  angles  of  the  defences^ 
which  were  weak  points,  but  which,  on  the  other  hand, 

1 The  catapults  could  discharge  bolts  six  feet  long  and  very  heavy.  The 
onagri  hurled  stones  of  sixty  pounds  weight  to  a maximum  distance  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  paces. 


THE  FORTIFIED  CITÉ. 


107 


facilitated'  the  discharge  of  missiles  over  a more  extensive 
field.  In  case  a front  was  attacked,  propulsive  machines 
were  set  up  behind  the  curtains  on  earthworks  or  wooden 
platforms. 

The  city  thus  strongly  fortified  was  in  a position  to 
resist  and  defy  the  attacks  of  the  barbarians,  who,  at  that 
period  of  their  history,  were  unable  to  undertake  the  siege 
of  a stronghold  well  planned  and  defended. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


THIRD  SIEGE. 

WHETHER  the  Burgundians  crossed  the  Rhine  at  the 
solicitation  of  the  Gauls,  or  to  find  more  fertile  settle- 
ments, or  because  the  emperor  Honorius  had  granted 
them  a territory  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  certain  it  is 
that  about  the  year  450  they  were  occupying  the  banks 
of  the  Saône,  and  had  pushed  their  way  northwards  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Langres  and  Besançon,  westwards 
as  far  as  Autun,  and  southwards  beyond  Lyons.  Having 
entered  Gaul  as  allies — as  auxiliaries  of  the  tottering 
empire — they  treated  the  inhabitants  with  a degree  of  con- 
sideration which  was  not  shown  by  the  Franks  and  other 
tribes  that  were  gradually  invading  the  west.  They  had 
indeed  gained  concessions  of  lands  and  gifts  of  herds 
but  they  were  living  on  a footing  of  equality  with  the 
Gauls,  and  their  presence  resulted  in  a partition  of  pro- 
perty with  the  new  comers  rather  than  subjection  to  their 
sway.  The  establishment  of  the  Burgundians  on  Gallic 
soil  may  be  compared  with  that  of  those  colonies  of 
veterans  whom  Rome  sent  out  formerly  to  various  terri- 
tories, whose  position  was  similar  to  that  of  the  original 
inhabitants,  and  who  in  the  second  generation  were  con- 
founded with  them. 

Gondebald,  the  third  king  ol  the  Burgundians  since 
their  entrance  on  Gallic  soil,  was  sovereign  in  the  year 
500.  At  that  time  the  territory  of  this  kingdom  extended 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


109 


from  Basle  to  Lorraine  and  Champagne,  included  the  dis- 
trict round  Macon,  reached  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of 
Auvergne,  and  skirting  the  High  Alps,  followed  the  course 
of  the  Rhone  to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean.  Juliana, 
including  the  city  and  fortress,  with  the  district  appertain- 
ing to  it,  was  therefore  clearly  in  Burgundian  ground 
The  war  undertaken  by  Clovis  against  Gondebald,  and 
the  defeat  of  the  latter  near  Dijon,  had  indeed  resulted 
in  reducing  the  extent  of  Burgundy  on  the  north-west  ; 
but  Autun  and  even  Dijon  and  Langres  still  remained 
in  the  hands  of  Gondomar,  the  second  son  of  Gondebald 
since  Childebert  and  Clotaire  came  and  besieged  him  in 
the  first  of  these  three  cities.  Gondomar  had  been  elected 
king  of  the  Burgundians,  after  his  eldest  brother  Sigis- 
mund  had  been  deposed  and  condemned  to  monastic 
seclusion  at  Orleans  by  the  sons  of  Clovis.  Gondomar 
put  his  tenable  places  in  a state  of  defence,  collected  an 
army,  and  after  a battle  with  the  Franks  in  Dauphiny, 
and  in  which  Clodomir  perished,  resumed  peaceable  pos- 
session of  his  kingdom.  Ten  years  later  Clotaire  and 
Childebert  made  a fresh  attempt  to  destroy  the  menacing 
power  of  Gondomar.  They  wished  to  associate  Theodoric 
with  them  ; but  as  he  was  occupied  with  a war  in 
Auvergne,  he  refused  to  accompany  them.  The  two  sons 
of  Clovis  therefore  directed  their  forces  in  532  towards 
Burgundy,  and  sat  down  before  Autun,  in  which  the  king 
of  the  Burgundians  had  shut  himself  up. 

The  cité  was  on  the  point  of  being  taken  ; Gondomar 
succeeded  in  escaping  with  some  of  his  troops,  and  took 
refuge  in  the  cité  Juliana,  as  one  of  the  best  munitioned 
strongholds  of  his  kingdom,  and  the  key  to  all  the  moun- 
tainous and  wooded  part  of  Burgundy. 

He  was  hoping  to  keep  the  troops  of  the  Franks  there 
till  winter,  and  then  to  take  advantage  of  the  rigour  of 


no 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


the  season  in  that  district  to  assume  the  offensive,  with 
the  aid  of  auxiliaries  promised  from  the  East. 

In  fact,  Clotaire  and  Childebert  having  taken  Autun 
about  the  middle  of  the  summer,  led  their  army  before 
the  cité  Juliana;  for  they  could  not  think  of  pursuing 
their  conquest  while  leaving  this  place  on  their  flanks  or 
behind  them. 

Gondomar,  having  entered  it  about  a fortnight  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Franks,  had  caused  the  defences  to  be 
repaired  and  provided  with  all  that  was  needed  to  sustain 
a long  siege. 

The  lower  town,  the  cité,  and  the  vale,  contained  at  that 
time  a population  of  about  forty  thousand  sonls,  among 
whom  might  be  reckoned  at  least  ten  thousand  persons 
capable  of  bearing  arms.  Many  had  even  become  prac- 
tically acquainted  with  war.  For  since  the  time  of  Julian 
Gaul  had  been  the  theatre  of  incessant  struggles  ; and 
though  the  country  surrounding  Juliana  had  remained 
comparatively  tranquil,  its  inhabitants,  both  Gauls  and 
Burgundians,  had  been  present  at  more  than  one  engage- 
ment, especially  since  the  definitive  invasion  of  the  men  of 
the  North.  These  barbarians,  long  the  auxiliaries  of  the 
empire,  had  themselves  learned  the  profession  of  war  in 
the  Roman  school,  and  were  making  use  of  the  military 
engines  adopted  by  the  imperial  armies. 

Among  the  Franks,  however,  as  among  the  Burgun- 
dians, the  Roman  standard  of  discipline  was  not  attained, 
and  these  troops  had  not  the  firmness  and  tenacity  which 
still  distinguished  the  best  soldiers  commanded  by  the 
generals  of  the  empire.  On  the  other  hand  they  were 
offen  brave  even  to  temerity. 

The  cité  Juliana  was  well  stared  with  provisions  and 
munitions  of  every  sort  when  the  army  of  the  Franks  pre- 
sented itself.  Gondomar  had  not  thought  it  possible  to 


THIRD  SIEGE . 


in 

defend  that  part  of  the  town  situated  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  river  of  Abonia  ; for  it  was  open,  the  habitations 
having  been  built  beyond  the  line  of  Roman  intrench- 
ments,  and  the  latter  being  commanded  on  the  western 
front.  He  had  contented  himself  with  keeping  the  two 
têtes  de  pont  ; one,  the  smallest,  up  the  stream,  covering  a 
wooden  bridge  ; the  other,  the  largest,  a stone  bridge.  As 
soon  as  the  enemy’s  approach  was  announced,  Gondomar 
set  fire  to  the  foot-bridges  spanning  the  river  across  the 
islet  of  sand.1 

The  troops  of  Childebert  and  Clotaire  debouched  by 
the  northern  road  and  the  western  plateau,  above  the  part 
of  the  town  that  had  been  abandoned.  These  troops  there- 
fore formed  two  bodies,  separated  by  the  river.  Gondomar 
was  a man  of  astuteness  rather  than  a soldier;  but  he 
had  with  him  a certain  Clodoald,  a veteran  of  long  ex- 
perience in  arms,  and  who  knew  how  to  inspire  confidence 
n the  soldiers,  as  much  by  his  bravery  as  by  his  rude  and 
simple  manners.  Severe  towards  himself  as  well  as  to- 
wards others,  and  gifted  with  herculean  strength,  he  used 
to  punish  every  act  of  disobedience  with  his  own  hand, 
inflicting  one  unvarying  penalty — death.  In  spite  of,  per- 
haps on  account  of  this  inflexibility,  Clodoald  soon  became 
the  idol  of  the  city  ; while  he  was  among  them  they  could 
not  doubt  of  success.  He  confounded  the  Franks  with  the 
Germans  in  the  implacable  hatred  which  he  had  vowed  to 
the  latter.  Gondomar  placed  all  the  forces  at  his  disposal 
under  his  command. 

The  defences  of  the  cité  Juliana  were  just  as  Philo- 
stratus  had  left  them  ; intact  and  massive,  they  defied  all 
attack  by  main  force.  To  take  them  a regular  siege  was 
necessary.  The  army  of  the  Frank  kings  consisted  of 
about  forty  thousand  men  when  they  had  laid  siege  to 
1 See  Fig.  16. 


1 12 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Autun,  and,  deducting  losses  and  desertions,  it  counted 
scarcely  more  than  thirty-five  thousand  men  on  arriving 
before  the  city.  It  was,  however,  expecting  to  be  re- 
inforced. The  body  which  presented  itself  on  the  northern 
plateau  consisted  of  twenty  thousand  men,  and  that  which 
appeared  above  the  lower  town  of  fifteen  thousand.  The 
lower  town  was  nearly  deserted  ; all  the  able-bodied  men 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  city,  and  had  sent  the  women, 
children,  and  old  men  to  the  eastern  hills. 

The  main  body  of  the  Franks  was  therefore  able  to 
enter  the  lower  town  without  striking  a blow,  and  naturally 
enough,  began  to  pillage  it.  Clodoald  observed  from  the 
ramparts  the  disorder  thus  occasioned.  At  nightfall  he 
despatched  a thousand  men  to  the  place  d'armes  at  the 
south  of  the  plateau,  and  reinforced  the  post  that  de- 
fended the  tête  de  pont  on  the  right  bank.  The  Franks 
engaged  in  plundering  the  town  had  scarcely  taken  notice 
of  the  large  tête  de  pont  placed  on  the  extreme  right,  but 
had  given  special  attention  to  the  smaller  one  opposite  the 
wooden  bridge.  Towards  the  third  hour  of  the  night 
Clodoald  had  the  gates  opened,  and  led  forth  his  men  in 
silence.  The  Franks  had  scarcely  kept  a guard  at  this 
point.  Surprised  by  Clodoald’s  attack,  they  went  up  again 
to  the  lower  town,  uttering  cries  of  alarm. 

Many  had  encamped  between  the  Emporium  1 and  the 
tête  de  pont  ; the  Burgundians  passed  round  them,  and  at- 
tacking them  unawares,  drove  into  the  river  those  who  were 
not  massacred.  At  the  same  time  Clodoald  set  fire  to  the 
whole  quarter.  The  wind  was  blowing  from  the  south,  and 
the  habitations  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  river  soon 
presented  a mass  of  flames.  When,  the  Franks  having 
rallied,  their  forces  were  on  the  point  of  taking  the  of- 
fensive, the  Burgundians  had  already  re-entered  the  tête 
1 See  Fig.  16. 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


II3 

de  pont , and  were  re-ascending  the  plateau.  The  Franks 
had  lost  from  four  to  five  hundred  men  in  this  skirmish, 
while  of  the  besieged  not  more  than  twenty  men  had  been 
put  hors  de  combat.  This  commencement  brought  joy  to 
the  city,  and  those  who  from  the  top  of  the  ramparts  saw 
their  houses  in  flames,  endured  their  ill-fortune  patiently, 
thinking  of  the  vengeance  they  might  reasonably  anti- 
cipate. 

Experienced  in  war  as  he  was,  Clodoald  would  not  allow 
this  ardour  to  cool.  On  the  morning  which  followed  this 
night  so  fatal  to  the  Franks,  he  formed  two  bodies  of  two 
thousand  men  each,  well  armed  with  angons , francisques , 
and  scamasaxes  (for  throughout  Gaul  at  that  time  these 
weapons  were  common  to  the  Franks,  the  Gauls,  and  the 
Burgundians,  with  some  slight  variations).  He  ordered  a 
body  of  about  five  hundred  men  to  issue  by  the  eastern 
gate  of  the  southern  place  d' armes , to  cross  the  rivulet,  and 
make  a show  of  intending  to  pass  the  river  below  the  stone 
bridge  of  the  valley,  by  means  of  light  boats  which  four 
men  could  carry  on  their  shoulders.  These  boats  had  been 
stowed  away  in  the  place  d'armes.  At  the  same  time,  one 
of  the  two  bodies  was  to  assemble  in  the  northern  outpost, 
which  had  not  yet  been  attacked,  and  make  a vigorous 
sortie.  Clodoald  himself,  with  a body  of  a thousand  men, 
was  to  pass  the  eastern  gate  of  the  city,  skirt  the  ramparts 
and  the  outpost,  and  come  to  sustain  the  attack  and  take 
the  enemy  in  flank.  The  five  hundred  men  furnished  with 
boats  were  to  limit  themselves  to  such  a pretence  of  cross- 
ing over  as  would  be  sufficient  to  attract  the  Franks  to  the 
spot  ; then  the  second  troop  was  to  pass  the  great  tête  de 
pont  and  act  as  the  occasion  might  suggest,  either  attacking 
the  enemy  on  the  march,  if  he  followed  the  descent  of  the 
river,  or  keeping  back  the  Franks  coming  from  the  lower 
town.  A body  of  a thousand  men  were  to  fall  upon  the. 


I 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


1 14 

troop  presenting  itself  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  cut 
them  to  pieces  or  drown  them.1 

This  plan  well  explained  to  his  lieutenants,  the  move- 
ment commenced  about  the  fourth  hour  of  the  day.  The 
two  Frank  kings  had  taken  the  command  : Childebert  of 
the  troops  encamped  on  the  north,  Clotaire  of  the  body 
encamped  on  the  west  in  the  lower  town.  A bridge  of 
rafts  had  been  early  constructed  five  hundred  paces  above 
the  isle  of  sand,  to  establish  a communication  between  the 
two  bodies. 

It  must  be  observed  that  after  taking  Autun,  the  two 
chiefs  did  not  expect  any  serious  resistance  in  the  rest 
of  Burgundy.  On  the  strength  of  the  reports  that  had 
reached  them,  they  were  persuaded  that  Gondomar  had 
been  killed,  that  the  garrison  of  Autun  constituted  his 
best  soldiers,  and  that  the  other  strong  towns  would  be 
defended,  if  at  all,  only  by  inexperienced  men. 

The  event  of  the  preceding  night,  however,  caused 
them  to  reconsider  their  judgment  ; and  at  the  moment 
when  the  sortie  on  the  north  was  taking  place,  the  two 
chiefs  were  planning  to  take  the  tête  de  pont  by  a vigorous 
effort,  and  at  the  same  time  to  attack  the  northern  out- 
post. 

The  Franks  are  inclined,  even  more  than  the  Gauls,  to 
take  for  truth  what  they  desire  to  find  so  ; and  the  two 
kings  were  under  the  persuasion  that  the  garrison  within 
the  city  was  small  in  number,  and  would  be  disconcerted 
by  these  two  simultaneous  attacks  Things  were  in  this 
position  when  the  Frank  chiefs  received  the  news  that 
the  line  of  investment  on  the  north  was  attacked. 

By  the  term  “line  of  investment”  must  not  be  under- 
stood a disposition  of  their  forces  presenting  a complete 
analogy  with  the  strategic  arrangements  of  modern  times. 

1 See  the  plan,  Fig.  16. 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


1 15 

This  line  consisted  of  a body  of  men,  one  thousand  strong, 
grouped  somewhat  confusedly  behind  a barricade  of  trees 
and  brushwood,  four  hundred  paces  from  the  northern 
salient.  A second  body  followed,  consisting  in  great  part 
of  cavalry,  dispersed  in  the  woods  at  a hundred  paces 
from  the  first  line,  and  masking  the  encampment  of 
Childebert,  surrounded  by  the  bulk  of  his  troops. 

At  the  first  alarm  the  two  kings  mounted  their  horses, 
and,  hurrying  along  with  them  those  who  were  equipped 
for  fight,  hastened  to  the  field  of  action.  The  cavalry 
of  the  second  line  dashed  forwards  to  aid  the  first, 
separating  into  two  squadrons  to  attack  the  enemy  on 
his  flanks. 

Recovering  from  their  first  surprise,  the  Franks,  pro- 
tected to  some  extent  by  the  barricades,  were  keeping 
their  ground  against  the  attack.  A hand-to-hand  con- 
flict was  commenced,  but  the  Burgundians,  as  the  more 
numerous,  were  beginning  to  outflank  the  enemy’s  line, 
when  the  Frank  cavalry  came  up,  and  in  their  turn  fell 
upon  the  two  wings  of  the  attack.  The  Burgundians 
were  compelled  to  give  ground,  and  were  obliged  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  barricades  of  branches  and  brush- 
wood not  to  be  outflanked.  Their  position,  however,  was 
becoming  untenable,  when  Clodoald  came  up  on  the 
enemy’s  left  flank.  The  Franks  were  panic-struck,  for 
the  troop  conducted  by  Clodoald  was  marching  in  good 
order  after  the  Roman  fashion,  in  echelons,  so  as  not  to 
allow  the  cavalry  tc  outflank  their  right  wing.  The  left 
of  the  Franks  took  co  flight,  and  their  example  was 
followed  in  turn  by  every  part  of  the  line.  The  Bur- 
gundians dashed  forward  in  pursuit  of  them,  but  Clodoald, 
advancing  to  the  front,  brought  his  whole  force  to  a 
stand,  though  not  without  difficulty. 

The  fugitives,  on  the  other  hand,  found  themselves  con- 


ii6 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


fronted  with  the  main  body  of  Childebert’s  army.  Full  of 
wrath,  and  upbraiding  them  with  their  cowardice,  he  com- 
pelled them  to  go  back  ; and  a body  of  ten  thousand  men 
soon  presented  themselves  in  sight  of  the  Burgundians 
through  the  woods.  The  order  for  retreat  was  given  ; 
and  they  returned  in  good  order,  not  re-entering  by  the 
outpost,  but  marching  along  the  east  front,  under  the 
protection  of  the  ramparts. . Childebert’s  irritation  was 
such  that  he  immediately  sent  a thousand  men  to  seize 
upon  the  outpost,  thinking  it  would  be  feebly  guarded, 
since  the  defenders  were  outside  the  city  ; but  the  attack 
had  been  foreseen,  and  the  Franks  lost  a hundred  men 
in  this  fruitless  attempt. 

On  the  southern  side,  the  sortie  of  the  Burgundians  had 
been  more  decisively  successful.  The  state  of  affairs  was 
such  as  Clodoald  had  foreseen.  The  Franks,  expecting 
the  enemy  to  cross  the  river  so  as  to  outflank  them  on 
the  right,  had  sent  a thousand  men  to  meet  the  Burgun- 
dians. The  lieutenant  of  Clodoald  had  then  sallied  out 
from  the  great  tête  de  pont  with  his  two  thousand  warriors. 
Drawing  up  half  his  force  in  a square,  on  the  river  side, 
with  his  front  towards  the  lower  town  and  his  right  sup- 
ported by  the  tête  de  pont , he  had  dispatched  the  other 
half  in  all  haste  against  the  Frank  troops  on  their  way 
to  oppose  the  passage. 

This  troop,  taken  in  flank  and  thinned  by  the  darts 
hurled  at  them  by  the  Burgundians  in  their  boats,  was 
broken  up,  and  fled  in  utter  confusion.  The  Franks  re- 
maining in  the  lower  town,  now  learning  that  Childebert’s 
army  was  attacked  on  the  north,  were  uncertain  whether 
they  should  march  towards  the  southern  side  to  support 
the  troop  lower  down  the  river  on  the  right  bank,  or 
betake  themselves  to  the  bridge  of  rafts  to  assist  Childe- 
bert’s army.  This  indecision  rendered  the  attack  on  the 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


1 7 


Burgundians  drawn  up  in  square  near  the  great  tête  de 
pont  inefficient,  and  permitted  the  two  thousand  men  who 
made  the  sortie  to  return  without  serious  loss.  The  sortie 
on  the  north  encountered  more  trying  fortunes  ; it  had  left 
in  the  woods  more  than  two  hundred  dead,  and  brought 
home  as  many  wounded. 

The  Franks  had  lost  in  these  two  conflicts  more  than 
six  hundred  men,  without  reckoning  the  wounded.  Far 
from  yielding  to  despondency,  however,  both  chiefs  and 
soldiers  were  full  of  rage,  believing  they  should  take  the 
city  in  a few  days,  and  that  they  had  before  them  a garri- 
son quite  disposed  to  capitulate,  so  depressed  did  they 
suppose  the  Burgundians  to  have  become  by  the  capture 
of  Autun:  in  twenty-four  hours  the}' had  lost  more  than 
a thousand  men,  without  having  even  approached  the 
ramparts. 

The  wounded  Burgundians  remaining  in  their  hands 
were  decapitated  ; and  their  heads,  stuck  on  long  poles, 
were  ranged  in  a line  at  a hundred  paces  from  the  ad- 
vanced work.  This,  however,  did  not  constitute  a 
countervallation  sufficient  to  protect  them  from  the  sorties 
of  the  besieged.  It  was  therefore  decided  that  the  army 
on  the  north  side  should  dig  a ditch  at  two  hundred  paces 
from  the  advanced  work,  which  should  extend  from  the 
river  valley  to  that  of  the  rivulet  ; the  ditch  to  be  about 
two  thousand  paces  long,  and  behind  this  ditch,  with  the 
earth  dug  out  and  barricades  (of  branches),  an  intrench- 
ment  was  to  be  raised.  They  could  thus  in  the  first  place 
obviate  any  attack  of  the  besieged  at  this  point.  In  the 
second  place,  it  was  resolved  to  seize  the  great  tête  de  pout. 
The  only  communication  with  the  outside  then  left  to  the 
besieged  would  be  the  valley  of  the  rivulet  ; *but  this  valley 
was  almost  impracticable,  full  as  it  was  of  bogs  and  marshes  ; 
so  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  could  attempt  nothing 


n8 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


on  this  side.  As  to  assistance  from  without,  it  was  deemed 
out  of  the  question  then  to  expect  any  ; in  any  case,  to 
prevent  the  besieged  from  issuing  by  the  eastern  gate,  a 
well-guarded  work  should  be  raised  in  front  of  it  ; next, 
to  prevent  the  besieged  from  getting  provisions,  the 
country  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  should  be  devas- 
tated. As  regarded  the  aqueduct,  it  was  discovered  and 
cut  off. 

These  measures  resolved  upon,  the  besiegers  set  to  work 
without  loss  of  time.  But  Clodoald,  who  had  been  pre- 
sent at  more  than  one  siege,  knew  by  experience  that  a 
garrison  which  had  no  expectation  of  help  from  without, 
has  but  one  means  of  safety,  viz.  to  allow  the  besieger  no 
respite,  especially  at  the  commencement  of  the  invest- 
ment, when  the  enemy  had  not  yet  been  able  to  com- 
plete his  works  and  effect  a close  siege.  Without  knowing 
exactly  what  the  army  of  the  Franks  had  in  contem- 
plation, he  knew  its  numerical  force,  and  did  not  doubt 
that  it  commanded  the  services  of  some  Latin  engineers, 
as  such  was  the  case  at  the  siege  of  Autun.  Clodoald 
therefore  divided  his  troops  into  eight  bodies.  The  inclo- 
sure 1 being  defended  by  forty-four  towers,  eleven  hundred 
and  eighty  men  were  required  to  guard  them,  reckoning 
twenty-five  men  for  each  of  the  thirty-six  towers  of  this 
inclosure,  and  thirty-five  for  each  of  the  eight  towers  of 
the  gates,  or  seventy  men  for  each  gate  and  its  works. 
The  post  of  each  tower,  it  must  be  understood,  was,  in 
conformity  with  the  military  usages  of  the  time,  intrusted 
with  the  guard  of  the  neighbouring  curtain.  The  guard 
of  the  northern  outwork  required  two  hundred  men  ; for 
the  place  cC armes  on  the  south,  and  the  têtes  de  pont,  five 
hundred  men  ; to  garrison  the  stronghold  ( Casiellum ) one 
hundred  men  ; to  watch  the  rampart  on  the  north  descend- 
1 See  Fig.  16. 


THIRD  SIEGE . 


U9 

ing  from  the  angle  of  the  city  to  the  river,  and  to  guard 
its  banks,  six  hundred  men.  Total  for  the  ordinary  guard 
of  the  defences,  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  eighty 
men.  He  distributed  this  first  body  so  that  the  best 
troops  occupied  the  place  d'armes,  the  têtes  de  pont  and 
the  advanced  guard,  as  well  as  the  front  on  this  side. 
Clodoald  constituted  a second  body  of  a thousand  men, 
held  in  reserve  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  to  hasten  at  need 
to  one  or  several  of  the  points  attacked.  He  had  about 
six  thousand  men  left,  which  he  divided  into  six  bodies 
of  a thousand  men  each,  thus  distributed  : two  in  the  part 
of  the  town  situated  between  the  cité  and  the  river,  two 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  northern  gate,  and  two  near 
the  eastern  gate.  These  six  bodies  were  to  be  ready  to 
make  a sortie  whenever  the  order  was  given. 

Clodoald  retained  under  his  own  direct  command  the 
thousand  men  in  reserve  lodged  in  the  middle  of  the  cité. 
Then  he  provided  for  the  wants  of  the  garrison  and  the 
inhabitants  living  within  the  walls.  A great  quantity  of 
provisions  had  been  brought  into  the  town  by  means 
of  requisitions  and  according  to  Roman  usage.  These 
provisions  were  stored  in  the  stronghold.  The  flocks  and 
herds  were  driven  to  graze  on  the  slopes  of  the  plateau  on 
the  south  and  east.  Timber  in  considerable  quantity  had 
also  been  laid  in  store.  It  was  ranged  along  the  interior 
of  the  curtain  walls.  In  addition  to  its  walls  the  town  had 
vast  cisterns,  supplied  by  the  aqueduct.  This  being  cut 
off,  Clodoald  had  the  rain-water  from  the  roofs  collected 
in  channels  which  led  into  these  cisterns.  Moreover,  in  the 
part  of  the  town  situated  between  the  ramparts  and  the 
river  there  was  a fine  spring  capable  of  supplying  all 
the  upper  part  of  this  quarter. 

Clodoald  looked  carefully  to  the  lodging  of  his  troops. 
Many  of  the  soldiers  had  their  families  in  the  town  ; he 


120 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


would  not  allow  the  defenders  to  lodge  in  their  houses. 
He  had  the  public  buildings  arranged  to  receive  the  seven 
thousand  men  who  did  not  habitually  occupy  the  ramparts. 
Those  who  were  charged  with  the  guard  were  well  lodged 
in  the  towers,  the  public  buildings  of  the  quarter,  or  out- 
side the  ramparts.  Clodoald,  as  has  been  said,  enjoyed 
the  full  confidence  of  his  troops  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Franks;  but  after  the  successful  affairs  of  the  first  day, 
his  men  considered  him  as  a kind  of  Providence,  and 
blindly  obeyed  him.  Accordingly,  these  arrangements 
were  readily  accepted  and  carried  into  execution.  In  de- 
tails he  had  adopted  the  composition  of  the  Roman  cohort, 
and  every  chief  of  a corps  was  responsible  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  orders  he  received  under  pain  of  death.  As 
for  the  inhabitants,  they  were  obliged  to  lend  assistance 
whenever  required  ; a refusal  was  capitally  punished. 

Gondomar,  whom  we  have  scarcely  had  occasion  to 
mention  hitherto,  inhabited  the  Castellum  ; and  Clodoald 
manifested  the  greatest  respect  for  him,  acting  as  he  said 
only  according  to  his  instructions  ; but  for  the  garrison, 
the  veritable  chief  was  Clodoald. 

Having  provided  for  what  was  most  pressing,  namely 
the  organization  of  his  force,  he  had  two  onagri  placed  in 
the  outwork  the  day  following  the  engagements,  and  these 
onagri  began  to  hurl  stones  of  sixty  pounds  weight  on  the 
Frank  workmen  engaged  in  the  contravallation,  two  hun- 
dred paces  from  the  salient,  with  such  effect  that  the  be- 
siegers were  forced  to  put  back  their  fosse  fifty  paces  out 
of  range.  The  following  night,  Clodoald  sent  out  a 
thousand  men  by  the  eastern  gate,  who,  defiling  by  the 
road  along  the  rampart,  went  and  destroyed  the  first  works 
of  the  Franks,  and  re-entered  immediately  ; at  the  same 
time  another  sortie,  effected  through  the  south  gate  of  the 
great  tête  de  pont , surprised  several  men  of  the  Frankish 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


121 


outposts.  Their  heads,  fixed  on  stakes,  were  placed  at  the 
extremity  of  the  northern  outwork,  as  a response  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  Franks.  That  very  night,  the  enemy 
attempted  to  cross  the  river,  aided  by  the  islet  of  sand,  in 
order  to  attack  the  ramping  curtain  on  the  north  from  be- 
hind ; but  they  were  unable  to  land,  the  quays  being  well 
lined  with  troops.  Many  of  them  were  drowned. 

Things  were  proceeding  rather  unfavourably  for  the 
army  of  the  Frank  kings  ; it  was  accompanied,  however, 
by  an  able  Latin  engineer,  who  had  given  proofs  of  his 
skill,  especially  at  the  siege  of  Autun.  Childebert,  exas- 
perated by  the  success  of  the  besieged,  poured  forth 
menaces  against  his  own  men  as  well  as  the  enemy.  He 
had  not  deigned  to  listen  to  the  advice  of  his  engineer, 
who  since  the  arrival  of  the  army  before  Juliana  had  been 
urging  him  to  encamp  on  the  north,  and  not  to  invest  the 
town  till  he  had  reconnoitred  its  approaches.  Consulted 
after  the  preliminary  checks,  Secondinus — that  was  the 
name  of  the  Latin  engineer — admitted  that  it  was  difficult 
to  withdraw,  since  the  army  was  engaged  around  the 
place  ; that  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  make  it  im- 
possible for  the  besieged  to  make  a sortie  ; and  to  effect 
this  result— the  latter  being  unable  to  issue  without  danger 
except  by  the  eastern  gate,  and  the  têtes  de  pont — it  was 
necessary  to  raise  works  in  front  of  these  points  of  egress, 
so  as  to  close  them  completely  ; that  it  was  hazardous  and 
of  little  advantage  to  try  to  seize  the  great  tele  de  pont  by 
a direct  attack  ; but  that  it  was  necessary  to  occupy  the 
western  quarter  below  the  ramparts,  and  therefore  to  cross 
the  river  ; that  then,  by  the  same  blow,  the  têtes  de  pont 
and  the  ramping  wall  on  the  north  would  be  lost  to  the 
besieged,  and  the  southern  place  d'armes  endangered. 

Thereupon,  trees  were  felled  in  the  forest  on  the  plateau, 
and  the  timber-work  of  the  houses  of  the  lower  town 


22 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


brought  away.  A moat,  filled  from  the  river,  surrounded 
the  works  of  the  great  tête  de  pont  ; but  those  of  the 
smaller  one  no  longer  possessed  any  ; the  fosse  had  long 
been  filled  up,  and  the  besieged  had  neglected  to  sink 
it  afresh.  The  south  wall  of  the  Emporium , which  joined 
the  northern  shoulder  of  that  smaller  tête  de  pont , was 
crenelated,  and  in  the  hands  of  the  defenders,  including  the 
square  return  on  the  road  coming  from  the  west.  Thus 
half  the  area  of  the  Emporium  was  commanded  in  its 
length  by  this  wall.1  Astride  on  this  western  road, 
Secondinus  erected  an  agger  which  rested  against  the 
river,  fifty  paces  from  the  square  return,  and  on  this 
agger  he  fixed  up  a work  of  framed  timber,  which  com- 
manded the  enemy’s  rampart  (Fig.  21).  Around  the 
great  tête  de  pont , he  contented  himself  with  raising  a 
contravallation,  which  cut  off  the  two  roads.  Before  the 
eastern  gate  of  the  city,  the  operation  presented  great 
difficulties,  because  of  the  steepness  of  the  slope  of  the 
plateau.  Every  night,  the  besiegers’  works  were  thrown 
down  by  the  defenders,  who  had  the  advantage  of  the 
dominant  position.  Secondinus,  after  several  unsuccessful 
attempts,  was  obliged  to  confine  himself  to  forming  be- 
neath the  ascent  of  the  plateau  a work  of  earth  and 
timber,  forming  an  arc  of  a circle,  as  in  the  accompanying 
sketch  (Fig.  22). 

The  besiegers  could  reach  this  work,  which  was  out  of 
range  of  the  plateau,  by  a road  descending  gently  towards 
the  western  arm  of  the  rivulet. 

These  works  had  not  been  executed  without  attempts 
on  the  part  of  the  besieged  to  destroy  them,  nor  without 
considerable  loss  on  the  part  of  the  Franks.  A fortnight, 
however,  after  the  enemy’s  arrival,  they  were  completed, 
and  strongly  guarded. 

1 See  Fig.  16. 


THIRD  SIEGE , 


123 


The  enemy’s  troops  were  thus  disposed  around  the 
cité  : — The  large  encampment  on  the  north  plateau  was 
occupied  by  twelve  thousand  men  ; the  defenders  of  the 


Fig.  21. 


o-reat  contravallation  on  the  same  side  numbered  two 

o 

thousand.  The  body  lodged  in  the  lower  town  consisted 
of  six  thousand  men;  the  guard  of  the  work  opposite  the 


124 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


small  tête  de  pont , five  hundred  ; that  of  the  contra  vallation 
around  the  great  tête  de  pont , one  thousand  two  hundred  ; 
the  work  raised  at  the  bottom  of  the  plateau  facing  the 
east  gate  contained  one  thousand  two  hundred  men. 
Total:  twenty-two  thousand  nine  hundred  men.  There 
remained,  deducting  for  losses  since  the  commencement 


of  the  siege,  about  ten  thousand  soldiers,  who  scoured  and 
devastated  the  country,  collected  provisions  and  forage, 
and  formed  a reserve  corps,  ready  to  make  a fresh  attempt 
when  the  propitious  moment  arrived. 

These  preparations  rendered  it  clear  to  Clodoald  that 
the  enemy  since  his  first  checks  was  acting  with  method, 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


125 

and  preparing  for  a decisive  action.  He  had  quickly 
perceived  that  his  attack  would  be  directed  to  the 
weak  points  of  the  fortress, — that  is  to  say,  the  northern 
salient  and  the  banks  of  the  river  opposite  the  western 
bend  of  the  cité  ; he  had  therefore  strongly  barricaded 


all  the  roads  of  the  town  leading  to  the  quay,  and  had 
strengthened  the  latter  with  a vallum. 

In  addition  to  this,  two  hundred  paces  behind  the 
square  tower  on  the  river,  to  the  north,  he  had  run  another 
vallum,  a}  b,  through  the  houses  and  gardens,  following 


126  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

the  slopes  of  the  plateau  in  an  oblique  direction,  and 


& 


1 2oo' 


Fig.  24. 


joining  the  south-west  gate  (Fig.  23).  The  habitations 
had  been  left  as  a mask  in  front  of  this  entrenchment; 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


127 


a few  houses  and  fences  only  had  been  cleared  away  to 
give  a free  space  outside. 

Clodoald  could  not  attempt  anything  before  the 
northern  salient,  the  enemy  being  there  in  front  of  him 
in  force  ; but  within  the  salient  itself  he  sunk  ditches 
with  retrenchments  of  earth  and  stakes,  as  shown  in  Fig. 
24  These  works  being  low  and  masked  were  invisible  to 
the  enemy  outside.  Every  night  he  sent  out  of  the  city, 
by  the  postern  which  led  to  the  bottom  of  the  wide  fosse 
on  the  northern  front,  spies  who  rendered  him  an  account 
of  the  operations  of  the  enemy. 

At  the  end  of  the  third  week  from  the  beginning  of 
the  siege,  his  spies  reported  a considerable  degree  of 
activity  in  the  large  camp  ; that  faggots  were  being  got 
ready,  that  the  soldiers  were  preparing  their  arms,  and 
that  war-engines  were  being  mounted.  One  of  these  spies, 
who  crossed  the  river  below  the  town  and  observed  the 
attitude  of  the  enemy  encamped  on  the  west,  brought  a 
similar  report.  Clodoald  judged,  therefore,  that  the  be- 
siegers were  on  the  point  of  attempting  a grand  effort  on 
the  west  and  the  north. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-third  day  of  the  siege, 
’in  fact,  four  onagri  planted  on  the  work  opposite  the 
small  tête  de  pont  swept  the  latter  with  stones  so  effectually 
that  the  defenders  were  scarcely  sheltered  behind  the 
parapets,  and  could  not  work  the  engines  placed  at  that 
point.  At  the  same  time,  boats  laden  with  inflammable 
materials  were  launched  in  the  river  above  the  wooden 
bridge.  These  boats,  impelled  in  the  direction  required, 
were  arrested  by  the  piles  of  the  bridge,  and  were  not 
long  in  setting  it  on  fire  (Fig.  25).  The  defenders  of  the 
small  tête  de  pont , seeing  that  their  retreat  was  going  to 
be  cut  off,  abandoned  the  work,  which  was  soon  occupied 
by  the  Franks.  Retired  within  the  place  eT  armes  behind 


T 28 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


the  bridge,  the  besieged  could  do  nothing  but  watch 
the  fire. 

At  the  same  time,  shielded  by  wicker  mantelets,  a 
numerous  troop  of  the  enemy  were  advancing  boldly 
against  the  north-east  and  north-west  flanks  of  the 


northern  salient.  Filling  up  the  fosse  with  faggots,  the 
assailants  rushed  in  a dense  column  against  the  rampart. 
The  conflict  was  furious.  Thanks  to  the  stonework  of 
the  aqueduct  the  enemy  were  unable  to  break  through 
the  north-east  flank  ; but  they  succeeded  in  gaining  a 
footing1  on  the  opposite  one.  The  besieged  were  obliged 
to  abandon  the  salient,  retiring  from  one  retrenchment  to 
1 See  Fig.  24. 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


129 


another,  and  with  but  slight  loss,  whereas  the  assailants 
had  more  than  two  hundred  men  killed  on  the  ram- 
part and  in  the  ditches. 

At  nightfall  Clodoald  with  the  three  thousand  men  of 
his  reserve  corps  issued  suddenly  by  the  central  gate — the 
bridge  of  which,  strongly  barricaded,  had  remained  in  his 
possession — and  fell  upon  the  enemy  : he  killed  a hundred 
more,  but  was  unable  to  retake  the  work.  Moreover,  he  an- 
ticipated another  attack,  and  was  not  mistaken.  Towards 
midnight  the  Franks  took  possession  of  the  island  of 
sand  with  the  help  of  rafts,  and  there  entrenched  them- 
selves in  front  of  the  quay.  They  were  within  bowshot, 
and  arrows  were  discharged  on  both  sides,  but  with  little 
result. 

The  loss  of  the  advanced  work  had  only  the  effect  of 
animating  the  besieged,  who  were  for  immediately  re- 
taking it.  Clodoald  had  to  calm  their  ardour  by  pre- 
mising them  to  do  better  than  retake  it;  adding,  that  just 
then  he  had  another  enterprise  in  view,  and  that  the 
enemy  was  going  to  give  them  a fine  opportunity  of 
beating  him. 

Clodoald  strengthened  the  defences  of  the  northern 
front,  which  could  not  be  taken  by  storm  ; placed  a strong 
body  in  the  outwork  of  the  eastern  gate,  with  orders  to- 
defend  it  to  the  last  man  ; and  sent  down  as  large  a 
number  of  troops  as  they  would  hold  into  the  two  places 
d armes  south  and  south-west.  He  strongly  manned  the 
oblique  entrenchment  descending  to  the  edge  of  the 
water,  and  placed  there  a chief  on  whom  he  could  de- 
pend, with  special  instructions. 

The  next  day  passed  without  fighting.  The  Franks 
were  engaged  in  intrenching  themselves  within  the  out- 
work against  the  north  front,  and  destroying  the  vallum. 
They  were  bringing  to  the  island  timbers,  fascines,  earth, 

K 


130 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


and  stones,  and  were  beginning  to  fill  up  the  small  arm 
with  these  materials.  Sheltering  themselves  with  wicker 
mantelets,  they  threw  stones  into  the  water,  then  fascines, 
in  which  large  pebbles  were  inclosed  to  make  them  sink 
between  the  stones,  then  when  these  materials  began  to 
rise  above  the  surface  ; they  laid  trunks  of  trees  upon  them 
across  the  stream,  and  between  these  fascines  and  clods 
of  turf.  The  besieged  could  scarcely  do  anything  to 
hinder  these  operations.  Two  onagri  sometimes  hurled 
stones  at  the  workmen  ; but  they,  well  shielded  and 
always  in  motion,  were  seldom  struck.  Towards  evening 
the  embankment  was  barely  twenty  feet  from  the  quay 
wall,  and  the  water  — rather  low  at  that  season  — ran 
through  the  sunken  fascines  without  endangering  the 
stability  of  the  dam.  The  Franks  continued  all  night 
working  at  the  consolidation  and  enlargement  of  the 
causeway  ; then  they  brought  timbers  and  ladders,  and 
raised  on  its  extremity  about  fifteen  feet  from  the  quay 
wall  a stage  of  timberwork  prepared  beforehand.  At  day- 
break the  besieged  perceived  on  the  stage  the  end  of  a 
kind  of  bridge,  furnished  with  a wicker  mantelet,  moving 
slowly  forwards  towards  the  edge  of  the  quay  (Fig.  26). 
Secondinus  had  the  platform  of  a bridge  framed  ten  feet 
wide  : this  platform,  laid  on  rollers  which  rested  on  the 
inclined  beams,  was  propelled  by  soldiers,  aided  by  levers, 
and  drawn  by  two  cables  wound  on  capstans  fixed  in 
advance.  The  men  with  the  levers  were  screened  by  sheets 
of  thick  canvas  stretched  before  them,  which  stopped  the 
darts.  All  this  time  two  catapults  and  two  onagri  showered 
long  darts  and  stones  on  the  vallum  of  the  quay  ; while 
slingers  and  archers  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  de- 
fenders to  show  themselves. 

The  chief  who  commanded  the  latter,  following  the 
instructions  of  Clodoald,  drew  his  men  gradually  away  in 


THIRD  SIEGE . 


i3> 

the  direction  of  the  houses  ; and  when  the  rolling  bridge 
attained  the  ridge  of  the  vallum  of  the  quay,  not  a single 
Burgundian  remained  behind  this  defence.  The  Franks 
rushed  with  loud  shouts  on  the  platform,  threw  down  the 
wicker  parapet,  and  spread  themselves  in  great  numbers 


Fig.  26.— The  Attack — The  Movable  Bridge  intended  for  Crossing  the  Small 
Arm  of  the  River  of  Abonia. 


over  the  deserted  and  silent  quay.  Dreading  some  am- 
buscade, they  were  in  no  hurry  to  ascend  the  slopes  of 
the  plateau,  gentle  though  they  were  at  this  point,  or  to 
venture  along  the  roads  whose  barricades  appeared  not  to 
be  guarded.  They  drew  up  along  the  quay  in  good  order 

K 2 


132 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


until  they  numbered  about  four  thousand  men.  This  did 
not  take  long  ; for  as  soon  as  the  first  few  had  passed  from 
the  stage  to  the  vallum , the  besiegers  had  placed  beams 
across  on  which  they  laid  logs,  brushwood,  and  turf,  and 
the  bridge  had  thus  attained  a width  of  nearly  thirty  feet. 

A second  body  of  considerable  strength  ready  to  sustain 
the  first  was  assembled  on  the  island,  and  a third  body 
was  approaching  on  the  opposite  bank. 

Secondinus  was  one  of  the  first  to  reach  the  left  bank, 
and  he  augured  no  good  from  the  apparent  inaction  of  the 
besieged.  He  desired  that  any  advance  should  be  made 
with  caution,  and  not  until  a tête  de  pont  had  been  erected 
with  stakes  and  debris  taken  from  the  neighbouring  houses. 
An  exploring  party  sent  into  these  houses  found  that 
they  were  deserted,  while  behind  the  barricades  erected 
where  the  roads  opened  on  the  quay  there  were  no 
defenders. 

He  therefore  ordered  these  barricades  to  be  cleared  away. 
All  this  took  up  time,  and  the  Franks  began  to  murmur 
loudly,  asking  if  they  had  been  sent  across  the  river 
merely  to  guard  the  shores.  Their  chiefs  insisted  that  the 
besieged  had  abandoned  this  part  of  the  cité,  as  they  had 
the  lower  town,  that  they  had  retired  behind  their  walls, 
and  that  if  advantage  was  not  taken  of  their  retreat,  they 
would  regain  courage  and  come  and  attack  the  Franks  in 
the  night  ; that  it  was  essential  to  occupy  the  ground 
vacated  by  them  without  loss  of  time,  and  take  up  a 
position  beneath  the  walls,  seizing  in  its  rear  the  smaller 
place  d'armes.  Secondinus  shook  his  head,  and  persevered 
in  ordering  measures  of  safety.  Towards  midday  one  of 
the  Frank  chiefs,  still  more  impatient  than  the  rest,  called 
his  men  together  and  declared  that  there  had  been  too 
long  a delay,  and  that  the  slopes  must  be  occupied.  “ Let 
the  brave  follow  me,  and  those  who  are  afraid  remain  here 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


»33 


and  find  themselves  sheltering-places  ! ” and  he  and  his 
followers  made  for  the  summit  of  the  plateau.  His 
example  was  quickly  followed,  and  by  various  paths 
through  the  houses  and  gardens  more  than  two  thousand 
men  ascended  the  slopes. 

Arrived  at  the  'vallum  formed  on  the  slant,  they  were 
received  by  a shower  of  stones  and  darts.  But  soon 
recovering  the  surprise,  and  urged  on  by  their  chiefs,  the 
Franks  sprang  up  the  escarpment.  Their  position,  com- 
manded as  it  was  by  the  besieged,  was  unfavourable,  and 
the  first  assault  failed.  They  had  to  rally  in  the  shelter 
afforded  by  the  habitations  and  hedges  left  by  Clodoald 
outside  the  vallum.  Hearing  the  shouts  of  the  onslaught, 
the  troops  left  near  the  passage  hurried  in  their  turn  up 
the  hill.  Secondinus  then  judged  it  expedient  to  get  over 
a thousand  men  from  among  those  who  had  remained  in 
the  island,  giving  excellent  reasons  for  keeping  them  at 
that  point. 

Seeing  the  reinforcement  ascending  the  hill,  the  first 
assailants  separated  into  three  large  parties,  and  at  the 
word  of  command  advanced  anew  against  the  vallum. 
The  fall  of  the  foremost  did  not  arrest  the  new  comers, 
who  passed  over  their  bodies.  There  were  moments  when 
the  intrenchment  seemed  to  be  carried,  for  its  ridge  was 
crowned  by  Frank  soldiers;  but  the  defenders — indepen- 
dently of  those  who  guarded  the  vallum — had  also  divided 
into  compact  bodies,  which,  in  readiness  behind,  fell  on 
the  assaulting  columns  when  their  heads  appeared  above 
the  ridge.  Thus  the  conflict  presented  a series  of  cap- 
tures and  recaptures  of  the  vallum , and  it  appeared  as  if 
the  same  turns  of  fortune  would  be  repeated  as  long  as 
the  assailants  and  defenders  were  able  to  form  bodies  of 
soldiers.  Many  fell  on  both  sides,  for  they  fought  hand 
to  hand. 


134 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Then  it  was  that  Clodoald,  who  held  the  smaller  place 
d'armes  on  the  south-west,  led  forth  a thousand  men  in 
good  order,  keeping  along  the  river  ; he  ordered  those  who 
occupied  the  large  place  d'armes  to  pass  on  between  him 
and  the  vallum , and  to  fall  on  the  assailants  in  flank. 
From  the  right  shore  the  Franks  perceived  this  movement 
of  Clodoald,  and  hurried  towards  the  island  to  attack  him 
and  support  those  of  their  party  who  were  on  the  left 
shore.  But  Clodoald  had  the  start,  and  advanced  by  a 
direct  road,  whereas  the  enemy  had  to  make  a détour. 
In  a few  minutes,  therefore,  he  came  upon  the  body  of 
Franks  which,  at  the  instance  of  Secondinus,  was  guard- 
ing the  passage.  He  attacked  it  most  vigorously,  and  cut 
down  the  first  he  met  with.  The  Franks  resisted,  how- 
ever, and,  covering  the  embankment,  formed  in  a square, 
with  their  right  against  the  river.  Fresh  assailants  passed 
over  to  the  embankment,  and  took  up  such  a position  on 
the  left  that  Clodoald’s  troop  was  on  the  point  of  being 
surrounded,  and  to  free  itself  was  obliged  to  make  a move- 
ment in  retreat,  not  without  much  loss — abandoning  the 
left  shore  in  order  to  reach  the  slopes  and  choose  more 
advantageous  ground. 

The  second  troop  of  Burgundians  was  then  advancing 
on  the  flank  of  the  besiegers,  who  were  furiously  storming 
the  vallitm.  The  assailants,  attacked  in  flank,  almost  in 
rear — by  reason  of  the  direction  of  the  vallum — gave  way 
and  ran  down  towards  the  passage,  pursued  by  the  Bur- 
gundians. Seeing  himself  thus  supported,  Clodoald  as- 
sailed the  foe  with  renewed  energy.  At  that  juncture 
came  Gondomar  sallying  out  from  the  western  gate,  with 
fresh  troops  to  reinforce  the  defenders  of  the  vallum. 
Seeing  the  enemy  flying  in  all  haste  towards  the  passage, 
he  concluded  that  his  force  was  strong  enough  to  press 
them  vigorously,  and,  following  the  southern  ramping 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


135 


wall,  and  then  turning  to  the  left,  he  attacked  the 
enemy  on  the  shore  opposite  the  island.  The  Franks, 
thus  attacked  in  front  and  on  both  flanks,  with  a narrow 
passage  behind,  offered  a desperate  resistance  ; but  their 
very  numbers  were  unfavourable  to  success,  and  they  were 
overwhelmed  with  missiles  hurled  by  Burgundian  slingers 
posted  in  the  houses  on  the  slope. 

When  night  came  not  an  enemy  remained  alive  on  the 
left  shore  ; many  had  sought  to  reach  the  island  by  swim- 
ming, and  a considerable  number  had  also  effected  their 
escape  by  the  embankment  ; but  more  than  two  thousand 
five  hundred  bodies  remained  along  the  vallum  and  about 
the  entrance  of  the  passage.  Clodoald  had  faggots  and 
straw  heaped  on  the  movable  bridge,  which  soon  caught 
fire  as  well  as  the  stage.  The  besieged  lost  a thousand, 
and  Clodoald  was  wounded. 

The  Burgundians  had  kept  the  western  portion  of  the 
town,  but  they  could  not  take  the  offensive  in  that  quarter, 
since  dense  masses  of  the  enemy  presented  themselves 
there. 

During  the  same  day  the  Frank  kings  had  made  a 
feint  of  attacking  the  north  front  of  the  city  ; but  the 
ramparts  and  the  towers  erected  on  this  front  could  only 
be  taken  by  a regular  siege,  and  the  Burgundian  troops 
assigned  to  that  quarter  were  more  than  sufficient  to  defy 
a serious  attack. 

Retired  within  their  tent,  Childebert  and  his  brother 
accused  one  another  of  the  failure  of  their  operations,  but 
ultimately  agreed  in  throwing  on  Secondinus  the  blame  of 
their  defeat.  The  latter,  summoned  into  their  presence, 
had  to  undergo  the  bitterest  reproaches.  “ If,”  replied  the 
engineer,  “your  troops  were  disciplined — if  they  had  not 
persisted  in  attacking  the  quarter,  on  which  we  had  fortu- 
nately gained  a footing,  at  haphazard — we  should  still  be 


136 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


on  that  shore,  and  should  have  been  able  to-morrow  to 
seize  the  whole  of  that  region  ; not  that  I think  it  neces- 
sary to  attack  the  cité  on  that  front,  but  because  we  could 
thus  have  prevented  any  sortie,  and  might  without  risk 
attack  the  northern  front  and  take  it — which  would  only 
be  an  affair  of  time. 

“ Not  being  in  possession  of  the  western  quarter,  all 
our  siege  works  may  be  destroyed  in  a vigorous  sortie  ; 
for  the  besieged  are  audacious — they  have  shown  them- 
selves so  ; and  the  ramping  wall  which  descends  to  the 

river  from  the  west  corner  will  always  put  our  attack 

on  the  north  front  of  the  cité  at  the  mercy  of  a vigorous 
effort. 

“ This  ramping  wall  has  no  visible  gates,  but  it  will  be 
easy  for  the  besieged  to  make  outlets  if  there  are  not 
already  some  hidden  ones  ; and  then  under  favour  of 
night  he  can  fall  on  the  right  flank  of  the  attack,  burn 
our  works,  and  render  the  siege  much  longer  and  more 
uncertain  in  its  issue.  Each  of  our  chiefs  insists  on  com- 
manding; and,  brave  though  they  all  are,  before  a cité  so 

well  fortified  and  defended,  blind  bravery  only  involves 
you  in  useless  perils.  Obtain  from  them,  therefore,  an  im- 
plicit obedience  to  your  commands,  and  remember  that  your 
illustrious  father  owed  his  victories  to  the  rigorous  disci- 
pline which  he  succeeded  in  maintaining.”  This  firm  lan- 
guage did  not  fail  to  make  an  impression  on  the  two  kings, 
who,  repressing  their  anger,  began  to  deliberate  coolly  on 
the  situation.  It  was  decided  to  seize  the  great  tête  de  pont , 
still  in  the  hands  of  the  besieged  ; to  keep  a strict  watch 
on  the  shores  of  the  river  ; and  to  attack  the  place  along 
the  whole  extent  of  the  northern  front,  comprising  the 
ramping  wall. 

The  two  kings  decided  that  the  chiefs  of  the  various 
corps  should  obey  Secondinus,  whom  they  intrusted  with 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


137 


the  direction  of  their  operations.  The  chiefs  were  assem- 
bled, and  received  from  Childebert’s  own  mouth  the  order 
not  to  engage  in  any  enterprise  except  such  as  Secondinus 
should  sanction.  But  these  Franks  had  no  liking  for  the 
Roman,  as  they  called  him,  and  received  the  admonition 
with  a bad  grace.  Many  raised  objections,  declaring 
that  the  slow  proceedings  of  the  Roman  were  the  cause 
of  their  failures,  and  that  if  they  might  have  their  way  the 
cité  would  soon  be  in  their  power.  Childebert  and  his 
brother  began  to  feel  their  resolution  failing  at  these 
representations,  and  looked  to  Secondinus  to  reply. 
Addressing  himself  then  to  the  chiefs  who  had  accused 
him,  he  said  : “ Let  those  of  you  who  have  a plan  of  attack 
to  offer,  speak  ; let  them  explain  by  what  methods  they 
propose  to  force  walls  defended  by  men  inured  to  war 
and  well  commanded  ; and  if  they  can  exhibit  a plan 
superior  to  mine,  I am  ready  to  follow  them  like  the 
humblest  of  their  soldiers.  But  the  kings  and  the  whole 
army,  before  being  called  upon  to  advance,  have  a right 
to  demand  that  their  lives  be  not  risked  in  an  enterprise 
without  definite  purpose,  and  not  presenting  any  chance  of 
success.”  To  this  speech  there  was  no  response.  “You, 
who  spoke,”  said  Childebert  then  to  one  of  the  chiefs, 
“what  do  you  propose?” — “We  took  Autun  by  main 
strength  ; we  invested  the  cité,  made  a breach  in  the  wall, 
and  entered  it.” — “Yes,”  replied  Secondinus;  “but  Autun 
is  not  a cité  built  on  the  summit  of  escarpments  like  this  ; 
we  were  able  to  attack  it  from  the  level  on  two  of  its 
fronts,  without  having  a river  in  the  rear.  Its  walls,  good 
though  they  were,  were  but  ill  defended,  and  our  simul- 
taneous attacks  on  two  opposite  points  disconcerted  the 
besieged.  Here  there  is  but  a single  front  that  can  be 
attacked  from  the  level;  all  the  others  crown  escarpments, 
that  could  be  easily  defended,  even  without  walls.  Only 


138 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


two  courses,  then,  are  possible  : either  to  invest  the  place 
so  closely  as  to  force  it  to  surrender  through  want  of  pro- 
visions— which  may  be  a tedious  process,  lor  the  besieged 
are  well  provisioned,  and  the  Frank  army,  which  dislikes 
inaction,  will  melt  away  during  such  a blockade — or  to 
attack  the  only  vulnerable  side,  and  concentrate  all  our 
forces  on  that  point. 

“By  proceeding  regularly,  this  front  will  be  in  our  power 
in  three  weeks.  Then  we  shall  be  able  to  invest  the  cas- 
tellum  closely,  leaving  a numerous  body  to  prevent  any 
sortie.  It  must  surrender  eventually,  and  in  the  mean- 
time the  kings  will  subdue  the  rest  of  Burgundy,  without 
being  delayed  here.”  Many  of  the  chiefs  responded, 
proposing  irrational  plans  of  attack — appearing  such, 
indeed,  to  the  assembly  ; for  though  all  agreed  in  blaming 
the  conduct  of  the  siege  hitherto,  no  one  could  suggest 
a consistent  plan  of  operation.  Every  proposition  was 
therefore  received  with  murmurs  or  ironical  laughter.  See- 
ing this,  Childebert  made  a formal  declaration  that  he  and 
his  brother  were  determined  that  Secondinus  should  be 
obeyed  in  all  points,  since  no  one  had  a desirable  plan  to 
propose  ; and  the  assembly  separated.  The  two  kings,  re- 
maining alone  with  the  engineer,  urged  him  to  contrive  for 
securing  an  immediate  success  that  might  cause  the  recent 
failures  to  be  forgotten  and  restore  confidence  to  the  army. 

“ The  difficulty,”  replied  Secondinus,  “ is  to  obtain  such 
a success,  without  risk,  with  troops  that  do  not  strictly 
follow  orders.  What  secures  success  in  siege  warfare  is 
patience,  assiduous  labour,  and  rigid  discipline  ; but  your 
men  are  not  patient,  are  not  fond  of  digging,  and  are 
undisciplined.  They  prefer  getting  killed  in  an  assault 
under  unfavourable  conditions  to  the  safe,  though  painful, 
labour  which  in  the  course  of  some  days  would  secure  the 
capture  of  the  place  without  much  loss.” 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


139 


Meantime  the  Frank  army  was  reinforced  by  a body  of 
about  two  thousand  men,  sent  by  Theodoric,  who,  having 
terminated  his  expedition  into  Auvergne,  was  reckoning 
on  gaining  some  advantage  from  the  war  going  on  in 
Burgundy.  These  two  thousand  men  were  robust,  but 
ill-armed,  and  little  fitted  for  active  war  ; but  they  were 
able  to  render  great  services  in  siege  works.  They  were 
placed  directly  under  the  orders  of  Secondinus,  who  set 
them  to  work  immediately,  promising  them  a large  share 
of  the  booty  when  the  cité  was  taken. 


We  have  seen  that  the  northern  salient  had  remained 
in  the  power  of  the  Franks.  Secondinus  raised  an  agger 
at  this  point,  in  front  of  the  gate  of  the  cité  ; and  on 
the  declivity  of  the  plateau  another  agger  opposite  and 
on  the  counterscarp  of  the  fosse  of  the  ramping  wall 
(Fig.  27).  The  ridge  of  these  works  did  not  reach  the 
level  of  the  footway  of  the  cité  walls,  but  yet  rose  high 


140  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

enough  to  allow  great  stones  to  be  discharged  on  the 
battlements  by  means  of  onagers,  and  to  render  the 
situation  perilous  to  the  defenders.  The  especial  object 
of  this  was  to  occupy  the  besieged.  Under  shelter  of 
these  two  earthworks,  Secondinus  had  two  mines  com- 
menced, one  at  the  point  A,  the  other  at  B,  which,  carried 
under  the  bottom  of  the  dry  ditches,  were  to  penetrate 
beneath  the  walls.  Clodoald,  who  had  been  rather 
severely  wounded,  was  obliged  to  confide  the  superintend- 
ence of  the  defence  to  his  lieutenants,  who  informed 
him  of  the  besiegers’  operations,  and  who  believed  that 
the  Franks  were  going  to  raise  timber  works  to  command 
the  walls,  destroy  the  battlements,  and  throw  bridges 
across.  Nothing,  however,  favoured  the  supposition  that 
such  was  the  intention  of  the  Franks,  who  limited  them- 
selves to  furnishing  the  earthworks  with  screens  to  pro- 
tect their  engines.  This  apparent  inactivity  was  a con- 
stant source  of  anxiety  to  Clodoald,  who  knew,  through 
his  spies,  that  the  besiegers  had  received  reinforcements. 
As  he  was  unable  to  take  the  lead,  he  dared  not  direct 
his  lieutenants  to  undertake  any  fresh  sorties,  and  was 
obliged  to  content  himself  with  recommending  the  most 
scrupulous  vigilance.  Trusting,  moreover,  to  the  solidity 
of  the  Roman  walls  and  the  rocky  site  of  the  plateau, 
he  scarcely  believed  that  mining  could  be  rendered 
efficient  ; yet,  in  anticipation  of  such  a contingency,  he 
ordered  that  trusty  men  should  be  set  to  listen  in  the 
lower  stories  of  the  towers,  and  at  the  base  of  the  walls 
opposite  the  face  of  attack;  then  he  had  platforms  pre- 
pared behind  the  rampart  to  receive  six  machines,  which 
discharged  stones  in  abundance  on  the  earthworks  of  the 
besiegers  (Fig.  28). 

The  Franks,  on  their  side,  were  working  vigorously  at 
their  two  mining  galleries,  not  without  great  difficulty. 


THIRD  SIEGE, 


141 


for  they  had  at  several  points  very  hard  rock  to  pierce. 
The  excavated  earth  was  heaped  up  within  the  earth- 
work, and  could  not  be  seen  by  the  besieged.  Till  they 
reached  the  fosse  the  noise  of  the  work  could  not  be 
heard  from  the  cité  ; but  when  the  miners  had  arrived 


Fig.  28. 


below  the  fosse,  the  men  on  guard  in  the  town  heard 
the  sound  of  pickaxes  dully  reverberating  through  the 
night.  Clodoald,  informed  of  this,  immediately  gave 
orders  to  countermine,  starting  from  the  interior  base 
of  the  rampart,  and  in  the  dilution  of  the  sound.  On 


142 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


both  sides,  therefore,  the  miners  were  at  work  ; bu-t  this 
did  not  prevent  the  projectile  engines  from  being  worked 
all  day  by  both  parties. 

In  a fortnight  the  besiegers’  tunnels  were  near  enough 
for  the  workmen  to  hear  the  blows  of  the  pickaxes  in 
the  rock.  Clodoald  was  then  in  a condition  to  leave  his 
dwelling  ; he  examined  what  had  been  done,  stopped 
the  work,  and  listened  attentively.  He  judged  that  the 
enemy’s  miners  were  digging  obliquely  under  the  wall, 


'°j,  , ,,  I,  , ,,  )°  |'0 ^0 

Fig.  29. 

near  the  north  gate  (Fig.  29),  while  the  countermine  of 
the  besieged  followed  the  direction  A B. 

He  thought  he  also  perceived  that  the  enemy’s  tunnel 
was  on  a higher  level  than  his  own.  This  seemed  favour- 
able to  the  plan  he  was  intending  to  adopt,  and  with  a 
view  to  greater  safety,  he  sunk  the  floor  of  the  counter- 
mine-tunnel still  lower.  On  visiting  the  base  of  the 
ramping  wall  he  heard  no  noise  at  this  point,  although 
his  lieutenants  said  they  had  heard  mining  towards  the 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


*43 


upper  third  of  the  wall  during  the  preceding  days.  The 
countermine-tunnel  was  also  commenced  opposite  to  the 
place  where  they  thought  they  had  heard  the  enemy’s 
miners.  Clodoald  ordered  a suspension  of  the  work  till 
the  besiegers’  operations  were  clearly  understood. 

Next  day,  on  the  north  front,  it  became  evident  that 
the  countermine-tunnel  was  crossing  that  of  the  enemy, 
for  the  steps  of  the  pioneers  were  heard  above  the 
ceiling. 

Clodoald  then  had  the  ceiling  shored  up  along  the 
sides  of  the  tunnel,  and  ordered  that  the  layers  of  stone 
forming  the  ceiling  should  be  noiselessly  removed  by 
levers  and  crow-bars,  so  as  to  render  it  as  thin  as  possible 
below  the  point  where  footsteps  had  been  heard. 

When  this  had  been  done  to  the  extent  of  leaving 
only  a very  thin  layer  of  rock,  Clodoald  had  dry  faggots, 
resin,  tar,  and  all  the  inflammable  materials  that  could 
be  got,  heaped  up  in  the  countermine  tunnel  ; then,  pro- 
mising the  most  skilful  of  his  miners  a large  reward  on 
succeeding,  he  told  him  to  break  down  this  crust,  and 
as  soon  as  he  perceived  an  opening,  however  small,  to 
set  fire  to  the  faggots,  retiring  towards  the  entrance, 

In  fact,  a few  minutes  after  the  order  had  been  given, 
the  miner  appeared  at  the  entrance  of  the  shaft,  followed 
by  a thick  smoke.  He  reascended  quickly,  and  this 
opening  was  stopped  with  planks  and  earth. 

From  the  hole  made  below  the  floor  of  the  besiegers’ 
gallery  the  smoke  was  rising  into  the  tunnel,  and  suffo- 
cating the  miners.  They  tried  to  stop  up  this  orifice,  but 
the  necessary  materials  were  not  at  hand  ; and  the  flame 
soon  mounted  high,  as  the  hole  produced  a draft.  The 
heat  burst  the  stone  to  pieces,  and  the  opening  was 
becoming  larger.  The  mining  gallery  was  soon  so  filled 
with  smoke  that  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  stay  there 


1 44 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


and  some  of  the  miners  fell  suffocated  before  they  could 
gain  the  somewhat  distant  mouth  of  the  tunnel. 

The  stir  caused  among  the  besiegers  beyond  the  earth- 
work proved  to  Clodoald  that  the  operations  had  been 
frustrated,  and  the  mine  rendered  untenable.  He  then 
stopped  up  the  entrance  to  the  countermine,  and  when 
the  smoke  was  dissipated,  he  resolved  on  examining  the 
state  of  things  for  himself.  The  faggots  were  burning 
rapidly  by  reason  of  the  draft,  and  the  flame  was  roar- 
ing through  the  hole,  which  was  becoming  larger  and 
larger.  Fresh  faggots  were  thrown  on  the  fire  with  pitch- 
forks  ; the  limestone  was  cracking  incessantly  and  falling 
in  large  slabs. 

Secondlnus  had  heard  the  counterminers  at  work,  but 
had  not  been  able  to  ascertain  the  direction  they  were 
following,  as  they  were  excavating  under  the  limestone  bed 
in  a clayey  sand.  He  thought  the  galleries  would  meet 
some  time  or  other,  and  that  then  there  would  be  a 
struggle  in  the  tunnel.  Anticipating  this,  he  had  screens 
in  readiness,  hoping  thus  to  remain  master  of  his  own 
gallery,  and  even  to  gain  possession  of  the  countermine. 

The  event  disconcerted  his  projects  ; no  further  progress 
was  possible  there.  Along  the  ramping  wall,  Secondinus’s 
miners  had  reached  the  sand,  and  were  consequently  no 
longer  heard.  He  sent  all  his  workmen,  therefore,  to  this 
quarter,  and  had  his  galleries  deeply  excavated  according 
to  the  plan  (Fig.  30).  Thanks  to  the  yielding  nature  of 
the  soil,  this  operation  was  completed  the  following  night. 
The  galleries  were  well  propped  and  shored  with  dry  wcod 
taken  from  the  houses  of  the  lower  town.  Faggots  smeared 
with  tar  were  placed  among  these  props,  and  at  dawn  were 
set  fire  to. 

Clodoald’s  anxiety  had  brought  him  once  more  to  this 
front  of  the  defence,  when  a cracking  noise  was  heard.  . . 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


*45 


A wide  piece  of  the  wall,  above  the  oblique  intrenchment 
made  by  the  besieged,  immediately  split,  bent  forward,  and 
fell  en  masse  outside  into  the  fosse.  Clouds  of  smoke  and 
dust  arose,  and  the  exulting  cries  of  the  Franks  were 
heard  from  the  cité. 

There  was  not  a moment  to  lose  : weak  as  he  still  was 
from  his  wound,  Clodoald  assembled  all  his  men  within 


call,  and  sent  for  a reinforcement.  With  the  soldiers — 
about  two  hundred  in  number — who  had  hastened  together 
at  his  first  summons,  he  mounted  to  the  summit  of  the 
crumbling  wall  (Fig.  31)  to  meet  the  assault. 

When  the  dust  and  smoke  were  somewhat  dispersed,  he 
could  see  the  Franks,  about  two  thousand  in  number,  drawn 
up  on  the  earthwork,  prepared  to  scale  the  ruins.  Happily 
for  the  defenders,  an  engine  mounted  on  the  platform  of  the 
square  tower  at  the  angle  of  the  cité  1 was  quickly  turned 
by  those  serving  it,  so  as  to  discharge  heavy  stones  on  the 
van  of  the  attack,  killing  or  wounding  many  men  at  every 
volley  ; which  forced  the  Franks  to  retreat  until  mantelets 

1 See  B,  Fig.  16. 


I, 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


146 

were  brought  up.  This  delay  enabled  the  besieged  to 
assemble  on  the  breach,  and  to  heap  up  fascines  there — for 
the  besiegers  on  their  side  were  discharging  a quantity  of 
stones  on  this  point — and  to  place  planks  so  as  to  ascend 
to  the  summit  of  the  crumbling  wall  more  readily. 


Fig.  31. 


All  this  occupied  but  a quarter  of  an  hour,  when  the 
Franks  ascended  the  agger  once  more,  protected  by  the 
mantelets,  threw  fascines  into  the  space  between  the  head 
of  the  wall  and  the  slope  of  the  agger,  and  rushed  forward 
resolutely  to  the  assault. 


THIRD  SIEGE . 


1 47 


The  position  of  the  besieged  was  disadvantageous,  for 
they  had  behind  them  the  escarpment  produced  by  the 
thickness  of  the  fallen  wall,  and  a ground  deeply  creviced 
by  the  fall  of  the  masonry  ; while  this  fallen  wall  gave  the 
besiegers  a slope  of  slight  inclination,  and  of  easy  access. 


The  assault  was  vigorous  and  vigorously  met,  but  the 
people  of  the  cité  had  only  a thin  front  to  oppose  to  a 
compact  assaulting  column  ; and  towards  midday  the 
Franks  remained  decidedly  masters  of  the  breach  (Fig.  32.) 

L 2 


14»  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 

Clodoald  had  died  in  the  fight,  and  with  him  more  than 
a thousand  Burgundians. 

The  Franks  on  their  side  had  sustained  heavy  loss,  and 
the  breach  was  literally  covered  with  dead  bodies.  Either 
from  fatigue,  or  because  they  feared  some  surprise,  the 
besiegers  allowed  the  remainder  of  the  enemy’s  forces  to 
re-enter  the  cité  without  pursuing  them. 

They  now  possessed  all  the  western  part  of  the  town 
lying  between  the  river  and  the  slopes  of  the  plateau. 
Outside  the  cité  the  Burgundians  occupied  only  the 
southern  place  d'armes  and  the  great  tête  de  pont:  the 
smaller  place  et  armes  of  the  bridge  previously  burned, 
being  uninclosed  on  the  side  of  its  access,  and  not  united 
with  the  ramparts,  was  evacuated. 

The  Franks  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  Clodoald, 
and  learned  only  from  prisoners  that  this  brave  captain 
had  been  killed  in  the  assault.  They  had  his  body  sought 
for,  and  his  head,  fixed  on  a long  pole,  was  placed  before 
the  north  gate.  This  time  the  prisoners  were  spared,  and 
sent  as  slaves  to  the  royal  domains. 

The  cité  Juliana  was  now  shut  in  on  all  sides  and  re- 
duced to  its  walls,  which  were  able  long  to  defy  the 
attacks  of  the  Franks.  But  Clcdoald’s  death  thoroughly 
disheartened  the  besiegers,  and  the  Burgundian  king  was 
not  energetic  enough  to  replace  his  skilful  lieutenant.  On 
the  evening  of  this  unfortunate  day,  he  assembled  the 
chiefs  of  the  defending  forces  to  deliberate  on  the 
measures  to  be  adopted.  Accustomed  to  the  bold  enter- 
prises of  Clodoald,  they  thought  themselves  sufficiently 
numerous  to  attempt  a sortie  at  two  points — the  southern 
place  d armes  and  the  eastern  gate  ; they  believed  that 
the  cité  would  be  destitute  of  provisions  in  a few  weeks, 
since  they  could  get  no  more  supplies  from  without,  and 
they  considered  that  this  extremity  and  the  disgraceful 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


1 49 


surrender  that  must  follow  should  not  be  waited  for.  The 
sortie  from  the  southern  place  cC armes  was  to  be  supported 
by  a body  issuing  through  the  south  west  gate. 

Thus  they  could  drive  back  the  Franks  as  far  as  the 
wall  which  they  had  just  passed.  The  sortie  from  the 
eastern  gate  would  occupy  them  during  this  time,  on 
the  left  side  of  the  plateau. 

But  while  they  were  engaged  in  these  deliberations, 
Secondinus  understood  well  how  to  avail  himself  of  the 
advantage  so  dearly  bought.  During  the  night  he  had 
an  intrenchment  made  at  some  distance  from  the  gate  of 
the  place  d'armes , caused  the  road  to  be  intercepted  and 
the  slopes  of  the  cité  covered  with  abatis  of  trees,  and 
thereupon  commenced  without  delay  a mining  tunnel 
under  the  descent  from  the  castle  to  this  place  d'armes 
to  destroy  the  fortified  wall. 

In  the  morning,  therefore,  when  the  Burgundians  were 
preparing  to  pass  the  north  gate  from  the  great  place 
dlarmes,  they  saw  before  them  a well-guarded  intrenchment, 
bristling  with  pointed  stakes  and  intertwined  branches 
of  trees.  Reckoning,  however,  on  the  attack  to  be  made 
by  the  body  that,  was  to  issue  by  the  south-west  gate, 
they  advanced  resolutely  against  the  intrenchment,  whose 
defenders  might  thus  be  taken  in  the  rear.  But  this  con- 
tingency had  been  foreseen  by  Secondinus  ; another  in- 
trenchment at  right  angles  was  already  raised  before  this 
gate,  and  the  road  cut  off  ; the  approaches  being  furnished 
with  barricades.  After  losing  a hundred  men,  therefore, 
the  two  bodies  re-entered  without  having,  been  able  to 
execute  their  design.  Originating  power  and  promptness 
in  execution  were  henceforth  wanting  to  these  brave 
people,  who  were,  however,  determined  not  to  capitulate. 

Three  days  afterwards  the  descent  to  the  place  d'arni£s 
was  undermined,  and  part  of  it  fell.  The  defenders  of  the 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


150 

post  and  of  the  tête  de  pont  were  surprised,  and  had  only 
time  to  retire  in  haste  by  the  road  ascending  to  the  eastern 
gate  : and  some  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Franks. 

The  cité  was  then  completely  surrounded  within  bow- 
shot distance.  No  sortie  could  be  of  any  serious  use  to 
the  besieged  ; for  Secondinus  had  established  posts  sup- 
ported by  intrenchments  around  the  ramparts.  Seeing  the 
success  of  his  last  efforts,  the  Frank  chiefs  began  to  place 
more  confidence  in  the  Latin  engineer,  and  were  obedient 
to  his  .orders. 

Then  Secondinus  resumed  his  attack  on  the  north  front, 
and  began  four  mining  galleries,  making  use  of  that  which 
he  had  been  forced  to  abandon.  Three  were  led  under 
the  square  tower  of  the  north-west  corner1  (Fig.  33).  The 
besieged  soon  heard  the  strokes  of  the  miners'  pickaxes, 
and  attempted  a countermine,  starting  from  the  tower 
itself,  at  A;  but  Clodoald  was  no  longer  there  to  direct  the 
workmen,  who,  wishing  to  repeat  the  manœuvre  previously 
adopted,  dug  too  deep,  crossed  the  enemy’s  galleries 
underneath  them,  and  had  no  clear  perception  what  direc- 
tion their  sapping  should  take. 

The  sounds  they  heard  were  diffused,  and  seemed  to 
issue  from  several  points;  and,  in  fact,  the  Franks  were 
working  in  more  than  one  direction,  and,  as  Secondinus 
ordered,  immediately  under  the  foundation  ; sometimes 
they  were  digging  in  the  sand,  and  all  noise  ceased  ; some- 
times they  would  meet  with  rock,  and  then  the  blows 
of  the  pioneers  again  became  audible. 

The  countermine  gallery,  therefore,  was  winding  about, 
and  only  weakened  the  basis  on  which  the  tower  rested  ; 
and  four  days  after  the  commencement  of  the  work,  it  was 
supported  only  by  dry  props,  greased  and  smeared  with 
1 See  b.  Fig.  16. 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


15 


pitch.  These  being  set  on  fire,  the  tower  fell  in,  bringing 
down  with  it  a large  piece  of  the  north  wall.  Anticipating 
this  result,  King  Gondomar,  who,  after  Clodoald’s  death, 
took  the  command  in  the  cité,  had  ordered  an  interior  re- 
trenchment to  be  raised,  with  a strong  wooden  tower  in 


the  middle  of  the  curve,  projectile  engines  being  placed 
behind.  He  had  sufficient  time  to  complete  these  works 
after  the  fall  of  the  tower  ; for  the  breach  was  scarcely 
practicable,  and  was  stoutly  defended.  The  Franks  were 
two  days  in  getting  possession  of  it  and  occupying  the 
corner  of  the  cité  in  front  of  the  retrenchment,  not  with- 
out having  lost  two  or  three  hundred  men. 


152 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Secondinus  interdicted  the  advance  of  the  troops,  who 
were  eager  to  storm  the  retrenchment  and  take  it  by  main 
force  ; and  this  time  he  was  listened  to.  He  had  timber 
and  mantelets  brought,  and  gave  orders  for  the  erection, 
on  the  very  ruins  of  the  angle,  of  a tower  of  green  wood, 
which  he  took  care  to  protect  with  woollen  blankets  and 
fresh  hides.  The  engines  of  the  defenders  did  not  cease 
to  discharge  large  stones  at  the  workmen,  which  greatly 
hindered  them  and  killed  many  ; but  the  Franks  had 
acquired  confidence,  and  worked  incessantly  night  and  day 
with  enthusiastic  ardour. 

Twice  the  defenders  of  the  cité  endeavoured  to  sally 
forth  from  their  retrenchments  to  drive  off  the  assailants 
and  destroy  their  works  ; they  met  with  a warm  reception, 
especially  as  the  Franks  could  avail  themselves  of  the 
ruins  as  a rampart. 

On  their  side  projectile  engines  were  hurling  stones  and 
darts  on  the  rampart  walks  of  the  extremities  of  the.  cur- 
tains that  remained  standing,  and  made  it  impossible  for 
the  defenders  to  remain  there.  As  soon  as  anyone  showed 
himself,  showers  of  arrows  were  aimed  at  him.  These  ram- 
part walks  were  repeatedly  furnished  with  mantelets, 
which  were  soon  thrown  down  by  the  stones  from  the 
engines.  The  wooden  tower  of  the  besiegers  was  rising 
rapidly,  and  at  the  end  of  the  second  day  overtopped  that 
of  the  retrenchment.  An  engine  was  planted  at  the  top, 
which  incessantly  discharged  heavy  stones  on  the  works 
of  the  Burgundians.  The  latter  kept  the  old  countermine 
gallery  on  the  north  front  ; but  they  had  not  been  able  to 
extend  it,  because  blocks  of  stone  had  been  thrown  by  the 
besiegers  into  the  connecting  opening,  and  were  replaced 
by  others  when  the  besieged  ventured  to  remove  them. 
The  enemy’s  miners  were  no  longer  heard  on  this  side. 
The  reason  was  that  Secondinus,  having  become  better 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


>53 


acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  soil,  had  perceived  that 
by  digging  deeper  he  found  a stratum  of  sand  easy  to  work 
in  and  carry  away.  From  the  old  abortive  gallery,  how- 
ever, which  the  besieged  could  not  speedily  enter,  he  had 
conducted  two  oblique  tunnels,  in  an  inverse  direction  and 
at  a deep  level,  descending  into  the  sand,  under  the  foun- 
dations of  the  curtain  ; one  of  them,  A,  gradually  rose 
again  obliquely  as  far  as  the  inner  side  of  the  ramparts 
(Fig.  34).  He  expected  in  this  way  to  make  an  entrance 
into  the  cité  in  any  case. 


f! & J*.’ 

Fig.  34. 


But  a thick  bed  of  limestone  prevented  the  ceiling  from 
being  speedily  penetrated.  The  gallery  was  far  enough 
from  that  marked  B,  intended  to  undermine  the  curtain 
wall,  not  to  be  destroyed  by  its  fall,  and  he  reckoned  on 
making  use  of  it  on  occasion. 

Five  days  had  been  spent  in  these  labours,  and  on  the 
fifth  day — that  is  to  say,  the  next  day  after  the  fall  of  the 
square  tower  of  the  coiner — the  curtain  near  the  north 


154 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


gate  was  undermined  for  a length  of  thirty  paces.  The 
stays  and  props  were  set  on  fire  during  the  night,  and 
in  the  morning  the  curtain  sank  down  into  the  fosse,  sepa- 
rating into  two  masses.  The  Franks  immediately  threw 
a quantity  of  fascines  into  the  fosse,  brought  ladders,  and 
rushed  in  great  numbers  on  the  ruined  wall,  which  still 
rose  about  six  feet  above  the  interior  level  of  the  cité. 
The  Burgundians,  taken  by  surprise,  could  scarcely  offer 
any  resistance  to  this  escalade,  and  their  efforts  were  at 
most  confined  to  hindering  the  assailants  from  crossing  the 
breach.  The  position  of  the  defenders  was  one  of  the 
most  unfavourable  that  can  be  imagined,  especially  as 
they  had  raised  no  retrenchment  at  this  point.  They 
barricaded  themselves,  however — making  use  of  the  houses, 
and  hurling  a quantity  of  projectiles  from  the  top  of  the 
neighbouring  tower  upon  the  assailants  ; and  the  struggle 
was  prolonged.  Then  it  was  that  Secondinus  sent  work- 
men to  destroy  the  ceiling  of  the  mine  gallery,  A,  which 
terminated  on  the  inside  of  the  wall.  In  four  hours  this 
was  effected,  and  the  besieged  saw  a large  hole  on  their 
left.  In  a few  seconds  this  gaping  orifice  poured  forth  a 
stream  of  enemies,  who  spread  themselves  along  the  wall, 
outflanked  the  defenders,  and  hurried  towards  the  gate  to 
burst  it  open. 

The  guard  that  defended  this  gate  were  massacred,  and 
the  doors  being  smashed  with  axes  and  battering-rams, 
fresh  troops  were  enabled  to  get  into  the  city.  The  town 
was  taken,  but  the  conflict  was  being  kept  up  in  the  streets 
and  houses.  Night  came  on,  and  the  defenders  of  the 
retrenchment,  perceiving  that  the  enemy  had  got  round 
them,  had  retired  in  haste  towards  the  interior  of  the  cité. 

The  Franks  no  longer  gave  ear  to  the  orders  of  their 
chief,  but  rushed  in  small  bands  into  every  opening  that 
presented  itself,  burning,  killing,  and  pillaging  ; many  of 


THIRD  SIEGE. 


155 


them  fell  in  with  numerous  bodies  of  the  besieged  and  met 
their  death. 

The  women,  mad  with  fury,  threw  tiles,  furniture,  logs 
of  wood,  and  stones  upon  the  Franks  dispersed  in  the 
streets.  As  most  of  the  houses  were  of  timber,  the  fire, 
fanned  by  a wind  from  the  west,  spread  rapidly  in  every 
direction.  Besiegers  and  besieged  fought  till  they  were 
surrounded  with  flames.  It  was  a series  of  isolated  strug- 
gles, in  which  the  voices  of  the  chiefs  on  either  side  were 
unable  to  make  themselves  heard. 

Gondomar,  with  about  a thousand  men,  had  taken  re- 
fuge in  the  castle;  and  from  the  summit  of  its  towers  the 
Burgundian  king  could  see  his  faithful  cité  burning,  and 
hear  the  shouts  of  the  victors  and  the  vanquished  ap- 
proaching nearer  and  nearer  the  walls  of  this  last  retreat. 
He  had  been  unwilling  to  close  the  gates,  that  he  might 
gather  in  the  unfortunate  defenders  ; and  towards  the  end 
of  the  night  these,  driven  into  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  cité  by  the  enemy  and  the  fire,  began  then  to  arrive  in 
crowds,  many  being  wounded,  and  among  them  women 
and  children.  The  castle  was  being  filled,  and  the  enemy 
was  approaching  ; so  the  bridge  was  thrown  into  the  fosse 
and  the  gates  were  shut. 

Engrossed  with  pillage,  the  Franks  allowed  the  day 
which  succeeded  this  disastrous  night  to  pass  by  without 
attempting  anything  against  the  castle  ; and  not  before 
evening  could  the  Frank  king  restore  any  degree  of  order 
in  the  burning  cité. 

There  were  not  enough  provisions  in  the  castle  to  feed 
its  numerous  occupants  for  forty  hours.  This  was  just 
what  Secondinus  anticipated  ; accordingly  he  had  no  diffi- 
culty in  persuading  the  Frank  king  to  rest  content  with 
investing  the  stronghold.  Gondomar,  overwhelmed  with 
grief,  and  seeing  his  helplessness,  sought  death  by  throw- 


1 56 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


ing  himself  from  the  top  of  one  of  the  towers.  The. fugi- 
tives were  forced  to  surrender  at  discretion,  and  most  of 
them  were  carried  away  into  slavery. 

The  Frank  kings  destroyed  the  most  important  of  the 
defensive  works,  so  as  to  render  the  cité  Juliana  inca- 
pable of  sustaining  a siege.  But  those  Roman  works 
were  massive  ; and  two  centuries  afterwards  the  remains 
of  the  towers  and  ramparts  still  presented  an  imposing 
mass  of  ruins.  The  plateau  was  then  a waste,  and  the 
ruins  were  overgrown  with  a luxuriant  vegetation  ; only 
a few  shepherds’  huts  were  to  be  seen  in  this  desolated 
region.  On  the  western  declivity,  between  the  river  and 
the  ancient  ramparts,  extended  a poor  little  town,  whose 
population  did  not  amount  to  more  than  twelve  or  fifteen 
hundred  souls. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 

In  the  year  1180,  the  valley  had  again  become  a fertile 
and  prosperous  district.  Several  villages  had  arisen  along 
the  course  of  the  river  ; and  a town  of  some  importance 
covered,  as  in  former  times,  the  western  slopes  of  the  old 
cité  Juliana,  and  extended  on  the  opposite  shore.  This 
town  was  then  called  Saint  Julien.  How  was  it  that  the 
cité  founded  by  the  Emperor  Julian  the  Apostate  had 
changed  its  appellation  of  Juliana  for  that  of  Saint  Julien  ? 
We  shall  not  attempt  to  explain  the  fact.  It  will  suffice 
to  say,  that  about  the  eighth  century  a legend  arose 
respecting  a companion  of  Lucian,  Bishop  of  Beauvais, 
named  Julian,  a native  of  the  Val  d’Abonia,  who  had 
been  martyred  with  Maximian  a short  time  before  his 
holy  bishop.  Ilis  body,  transferred  to  the  place  of  his 
birth,  had  there  wrought  numerous  miracles,  and  was  then 
resting  in  the  crypt  of  the  church  placed  under  his  invo- 
cation, and  which  was  the  appanage  of  a rich  abbey, 
situated  at  the  northern  extremity  of  the  plateau.  On 
the  site  in  question,  therefore,  was  to  be  found  the  city 
and  abbey  of  Saint  Julien,  and  the  castle  of  Roche- 
Pont,  occupied  by  the  lords  of  Roche-Pont.  As  for  the 
valley,  it  had  preserved  pretty  nearly  its  old  name  ; it  was 
the  Val  d’Abonia.  Ever  since  the  ninth  century  the  lords 
of  Roche-Pont  had  been  possessors  of  the  vale,  the  town, 
the  lands  contiguous,  and  the  forests  stretching  northwards 


158 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


on  the  plateaux  ; they  claimed  descent  by  the  female  side 
from  the  ancient  kings  of  Burgundy,  and  were  rich  and 
powerful.  One  of  their  ancestors  engaged  in  a war 
against  King  Robert,  in  the  year  1005,  and  had  contri- 
buted greatly  to  the  failure  of  that  prince’s  expedition 
into  Burgundy.  On  the  submission  of  this  province  at 
a later  date  to  the  king,  the  lord  of  Roche-Pont  had 
made  conditions  that  had  notably  improved  his  domain. 
This  lord  was  the  founder  of  the  Clunisian  abbey  which 
stood  on  the  north  of  the  plateau  ; he  had  endowed  it 
with  the  uncultivated  lands  of  the  rivulet  valley.  The 
monks  soon  made  a capital  domain  of  this  valley,  by 
taking  advantage  of  the  little  water- course,  which  never 
failed.  With  the  aid  of  dams  they  secured  very  produc- 
tive pools  ; waterfalls  turned  mills,  worked  forges,  and 
irrigated  fair  meadows  for  flocks  and  herds,  and,  on  the 
slope  of  southern  aspect,  vineyards  renowned  for  their 
fine  produce. 

There  were  occasional  misunderstandings  between  the 
abbots  of  Saint  Julien  and  the  lords  of  Roche-Pont. 
According  to  their  foundation  charter,  they  claimed  to  be 
perfectly  independent  of  the  lordship  of  Roche-Pont — 
indeed,  of  all  superiority  but  that  of  Rome — and  to  haye 
complete  suzerainty  over  the  lands  they  possessed  ; they 
refused  to  render  feudal  dues  to  the  castle,  and  on  several 
occasions  disputes  resulted  in  acts  of  violence.  Then  the 
abbots  appealed  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  ; men  of  war 
interfered  in  the  contest  ; and,  as  a matter  of  course,  the 
vassals  had  to  pay  the  costs. 

One  of  the  abbots,  a restless  and  ambitious  man,  had 
presumed  to  commence  fortifying  the  abbey,  and  had  per- 
sisted in  doing  so  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  lord 
of  Roche-Pont.  The  lord  had  consequently  laid  waste 
the  abbey  domain.  The  fraternity  then  appealed  to  the 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 


159 


king  of  France,  who  had  intervened  in  the  dispute.  After 
much  litigation  and  cost  to  both  sides,  it  had  been  de- 
cided that  the  abbey  might  be  surrounded  by  a wall 
without  towers,  and  that  in  the  event  of  a war  in  which 
the  interests  of  the  suzerain  were  concerned,  the  lord  of 
Roche-Pont  should  garrison  the  abbey  at  the  expense  of 
the  latter. 

The  retainers  of  the  abbey  and  those  of  the  lord  con- 
tinued, nevertheless,  in  a permanent  state  of  antagonism  ; 
and  not  a year  passed  in  which  there  were  not  differences 
to  be  settled  on  this  score  at  the  court  of  the  duke. 

The  castle  of  the  lords  of  Roche-Pont  was  built  on  the 
remains  of  the  castellum  of  the  cité  Juliana,  and  about  the 
year  1182  it  was  very  old  and  dilapidated. 

Anseric  de  la  Roche-Pont  was  at  that  time  its  owner. 
He  was  a young  man  of  ardent  temperament  and  ambi- 
tious disposition,  married  to  a niece  of  the  Count  of 
Nevers,  deceased  in  1176 — an  alliance  which  had  increased 
his  possessions.  He  bore  with  impatience  his  subjection  to 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  in  endeavouring  to  shake  it 
off,  his  first  step  was  to  rebuild  his  old  castle,  and  put  it 
in  a condition  to  defy  every  attack.  Anseric  de  la  Roche- 
Pont  was  encouraged  in  these  ideas  of  independence  by 
one  of  his  uncles,  an  old  seigneur,  who,  having  spent  fifteen 
years  of  fighting  in  Syria,  had  returned,  worn  out  and 
impoverished,  to  Burgundy.  Anseric  had  given  him  an 
asylum  in  his  declining  years,  and  he  soon  acquired  an 
influence  over  the  mind  of  his  nephew,  and  even  of  his 
niece.  During  the  long  winter  evenings,  the  recital  of 
adventures  beyond  seas,  to  which  the  Baron  Guy  knew 
how  to  give  a life-like  interest,  would  inflame  the  breast 
of  the  young  lord.  Often  on  such  occasions  the  latter 
would  rise  and  pace  the  hall,  with  sparkling  eyes  and 
clenched  hands,  stung  with  shame  at  his  own  inactivity, 


i6o 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


and  consumed  by  the  desire  of  some  nobler  occupation 
than  killing  boars,  and  disputing  with  monks  concerning 
mill  or  fishery  rights.  At  such  moments  the  old  baron, 
far  from  seeking  to  calm  his  nephew’s  ardour,  would  seek 
to  direct  it  to  a more  attainable  end  than  the  conquest 
of  towns  in  Syria.  The  Baron  Guy  was  a personage  of 
remarkable  idiosyncrasy — physically  an  elderly  man,  tall 
and  angular,  and  somewhat  bent  by  the  weight  of  arms  : 
his  head,  still  covered  with  rough  grey  locks,  square  in  the 
crown,  exhibiting  projecting  cheek-bones,  and — beneath 
shaggy  eyebrows — eyes  of  sombre  green,  deeply  sunk  in 
their  orbits.  His  wide  mouth  with  its  thin  lips  showed, 
when  he  laughed — which  rarely  happened — rows  of  sharp 
white  teeth.  When  he  was  relating  long  stories,  seated,  his 
hands  on  his  knees  and  his  head  bent  down,  the  light  of 
the  wax  tapers  fell  only  on  his  bushy  hair,  his  high  cheek- 
bones, and  nose.  Sometimes,  at  exciting  passages  in  the 
recital,  his  head  would  slowly  rise  and,  still  in  shade,  his 
eyes  would  send  forth  flashes  which  reminded  one  of 
distant  lightning. 

Morally,  the  Baron  Guy  is  not  so  easily  described.  He 
hated  monks' — but  that  is  neither  here  nor  there — and 
adored  children  ; which  is  proof  of  a happily  constituted 
disposition.  But  the  baron  had  seen  so  much  of  men  and 
things  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  there  existed 
in  his  mind  a shade  of  scepticism,  if  such  a term  can  be 
applied  to  the  désenchantement  of  a noble  at  the  end  of 
the  twelfth  century.  The  baron  had,  we  say,  acquired  a 
marked  influence  over  the  mind  of  his  nephew  ; but  to 
Anseric’s  two  children  their  great-uncle  was  as  indulgent 
as  possible.  He  was  no  less  complaisant  to  his  niece  ; she 
alone  could  succeed  in  lighting  up  that  s-tern  visage  with  a 
ray  of  cheerfulness. 

The  very  high  and  noble  dame  Jeanne  Eleanor  de  la 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 


161 


Roclie-Pont  was  a woman  of  middle  height.  When  ani- 
mated, her  somewhat  oval  face  reflected  a lively  intelligence  ; 
her  eyes  of  light  azure  then  assumed  the  hue  of  the  lapis- 
lazuli , and  her  complexion,  habitually  pale,  was  suffused 
with  a rosy  flush.  She  had  a bewitching  smile,  though 
her  mouth  was  slightly  drooping  ; her  swan-like  neck,  and 
the  exquisite  contour  of  her  figure,  lent  to  all  her  move- 
ments a perfect  grace,  rendered  still  more  charming  by  an 
address  and  vivacity  which  was  the  delight  of  the  old  baron. 

The  baron,  therefore,  would  pass  whole  hours  with  his 
eyes  fixed  on  his  niece,  as  if  he  wished  to  study  the  least 
gestures  of  the  Lady  de  la  Roche-Pont,  and  discover  the 
marvellous  mechanism  in  which  their  grace  and  beauty 
originated.  High-spirited  on  occasions,  Eleanor  was  capa- 
ble of  the  greatest  devotion  and  absolute  self-sacrifice  for 
those  dear  to  her.  Her  vassals  loved  her,  and  used  to  call 
her  la  Gentil- Dame . 

It  has  seemed  necessary  to  describe  at  some  length 
persons  who  will  play  an  important  part  in  the  course  of 
this  narrative.  Events  were,  in  fact,  more  ruled  by  the 
individual  in  feudal  times  than  during  any  other  period. 
The  personal  character  of  a noble  exercised  a prepon- 
derating influence  around  him  for  good  or  evil. 

The  Baron  Guy,  worn  out,  impoverished,  and  childless,, 
was  essentially  one  of  those  sensitive  spirits,  bruised  by- 
contact  with  men  and  events,  which,  having  lost  all  elasti- 
city where  their  own  interests  are  concerned,  direct  their 
entire  energy  and  their  need  of  something  to  which  to 
attach  themselves,  towards  an  object  apparently  distant 
or  fragile.  The  baron  had  certainly  an  affection  for  his 
nephew  ; but  as  far  as  he  alone  was  concerned,  he  would 
have  contented  himself  with  leaving  him  to  hunt  peace- 
fully on  his  domains,  and  helping  him  at  need  ; but  for  his 
n.ece  and  her  two  children — handsome  boys  of  five  ajid. 


M 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


162 

eight  years  old  respectively — he  had  a love  amounting  to 
adoration,  and  which  formed  the  chief  interest  of  his  life. 
To  him  it  seemed  that  for  beings  so  dear  in  his  eyes  the 
castle  de  la  Roche-Pont  and  its  domain  were  a very 
pitiful  heritage  ; and  we  may  question  whether  even  the 
duchy  of  Burgundy  would  have  appeared  to  him  worthy 
of  their  acceptance. 

Ambitions  of  this  indirect  character,  as  they  may  be 
called,  are  the  most  insatiable  and  tenacious  ; they  are 
of  the  kind  stimulating  to  the  most  daring  enterprises, 
because  they  are  disinterested  and  irresponsible. 

When  the  Baron  Guy  spoke  of  the  fortresses  built  by 
the  Franks  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  he  never  failed  to 
enumerate  their  towers,  to  describe  their  lofty  walls,  their 
fair  and  strong  defences  ; and,  invariably  instituting  a com- 
parison between  the  wonderful  fortresses  of  Margat,  Krak, 
Antarseus,  Laodicea,  Antioch,  Ascalon,  Giblet,  and  many 
others,  and  the  castle  de  la  Roche-Pont,  he  exhibited  the 
latter  as  a mere  hovel  fit  only  for  serfs  to  hide  their  heads  in. 

When  the  baron’s  discourse  took  this  turn — and  it 
frequently  did  — Anseric’s  face  clouded  over.  Eleanor 
looked  down,  blushed,  and  went  to  look  for  the  children. 

One  evening,  as  the  baron  had  been  complaisantly  ex- 
patiating on  the  advantageous  site  and  solid  construction 
of  the  castle  of  Krak,  which  he  had  seen  commenced 
shortly  before  his  departure  from  Syria,  and  which  w^as  to 
exceed  in  extent  and  strength  the  other  Christian  fort- 
resses, Anseric  suddenly  interrupted  the  recital.  “Uncle,” 
said  he,  “ the  position  of  the  castle  de  la  Roche-Pont 
appears  to  me  as  good  as  that  of  the  knights  beyond  sea  ; 
and  if  it  is  only  a question  of  making  more  solid  towers 
and  higher  walls  than  ours  are,  the  thing  is  easy  : — what 
do  you  say  to  it  ? ” The  baron  did  not  raise  his  head. 
“ Yes,”  he  replied,  “ but  you  must  resolve  upon  it.” 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE . 163 

“ Well,  if  I did  resolve  upon  it?”  “Perhaps  you  might, 
my  good  nephew  ; but  he  who  builds  a strong  castle  must 
expect  to  see  it  attacked.”  “ Well,  what  then  ? ” “ Why, 

you  will  have  to  defend  it,  my  good  nephew.”  “And  have 
we  not  men  and  ourselves  ? ” “ Yes,  we  shall  indeed  want 

men — men  accustomed  to  fighting  ; and  we  shall  want 
arms  and  mangonels  ; moreover,  the  work  must  be  done 
quickly  if  you  would  avoid  an  attack  before  it  is  finished  ; 
and  remember  the  duke’s  court  is  not  far  off,  and  he  will 
perhaps  be  curious  to  come  and  see  for  himself  what  the 
Sire  de  la  Roche-Pont  is  about.”  “ The  duke  ! the  duke  ! 
what  business  has  the  duke  to  inquire  whether  I am  re- 
building my  castle  ? It  is  my  affair,  not  his  ! ” “ The  monks 
of  the  abbey,  too,  they  will  go  and  complain  to  my  lord 
duke  (though  he  shows  no  great  deference  for  these  white, 
black,  or  grey  habits),  and  will  persuade  him  that  in  build- 
ing a stronger  castle  your  object  is  to  lay  hands  more 
readily  on  the  wealth  of  the  Church  ; whereas  the  duke 
prefers  to  keep  the  convent  treasures  for  himself.”  “As 
to  the  monks,”  said  Eleanor,  “ you  need  be  under  no 
anxiety  about  them  ; leave  the  matter  in  my  hands,  and 
I engage  that  they  shall  give  you  no  trouble.”  “ Eh  ! what 
what  will  you  do,  belle  amie ?”  replied  Anseric.  “ Will  you 
let  me  act  as  I think  best  ? ” “ By  all  means  ; as  you 

please,  belle  amie.” 

It  must  be  observed  that  Eleanor — as  a wife  and  a lady 
of  high  descent — entered  into  the  baron’s  views,  though 
without  letting  it  appear  that  she  did  so  ; and  her  most 
cherished  desire  was  to  leave  to  her  firstborn  the  finest 
domain  in  the  province.  As  allied  to  the  house  of  Nevers, 
she  had  no  liking  for  the  duke;  and  the  feudal  bonds  which 
connected  her  domain  with  the  duchy  of  Burgundy  we  e 
perhaps  a greater  annoyance  to  her  than  to  her  husband. 

Next  day  Eleanor  sent  for  the  abbot,  under  the  pretext 

M 2 


164 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


of  having  something  of  importance  to  communicate  to 
him.  The  abbot  was  a little  man  of  pale  complexion, 
with  sharp  black  eyes,  and  always  elegantly  attired,  as  far 
as  was  permitted  by  the  order  of  Cluny,  which  in  point  of 
costume  was  then  very  tolerant.  He  came  to  the  castle 
on  a handsome  mule,  richly  caparisoned,  followed  by  two 
monks,  also  mounted.  Wine  and  sweetmeats  were  offered 
them  on  their  arrival,  and  when  the  abbot  was  in  Eleanor’s 
presence,  she  spoke  thus  to  him  : “ Sir  abbot,  you  are 
aware  in  what  veneration  I hold  your  sacred  abbey,  and 
how  much  I desire  to  add  something  to  its  splendour  ; if 
my  lord  and  myself  have  not  done  so  hitherto,  it  is 
because  we  have  oeen  waiting  for  a favourable  oppor- 
tunity. My  lord  and  myself  are  happy  that  such  an 
opportunity  presents  itself  while  you  are  ruling  the  abbey, 
because  we  have  a particular  and  profound  esteem  for  you 
personally.  While,  then,  what  we  propose  to  do  has  for 
its  object  the  securing  to  ourselves  the  more  especial  pro- 
tection of  the  holy  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  it  is  also 
prompted  by  consideration  for  your  own  virtues  and  wise 
administration. 

“ Our  castle  is  very  old  and  ruinous  ; my  lord  is  in- 
tending to  have  it  repaired  ; and  to  draw  down  upon  its 
walls  the  benediction  of  heaven,  he  thinks  of  building 
within  its  inclosure  a handsome  chapel,  which  will  be 
served  by  your  fraternity  as  you  shall  direct,  and  which 
will  consequently  be  dependent  on  the  abbey.  An  annual 
revenue  of  a hundred  livres  will  be  devoted  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  chapel,  to  be  raised  from  our  estate  of 
Try.  Moreover,  your  dependency  of  Vieil-Bois  is  un- 
sightly and  dilapidated  ; my  lord  wishes  to  have  it  rebuilt, 
and  to  assign  for  its  support,  which  is  at  present  insuffi- 
cient, twenty-five  days’  labour  in  such  vineyards  of  our 
domain  as  are  near  that  dependency.” 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 


165 


At  each  of  these  announcements  the  abbot  bent  his 
head  in  courteous  submission.  “Lady,”  replied  he,  “the 
abbey  of  Saint  Julien,  founded  by  one  of  my  lord’s  an- 
cestors, will  be  delighted  by  the  new  donations  you  gra- 
ciously promise.  Though  it  has  witnessed  with  sorrow 
the  differences  that  have  sometimes  arisen  between  the 
lords  of  Roche- Pont  and  its  abbots,  it  has  never  ceased  to 
address  prayers  to  God,  to  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  the 
holy  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  for  the  illustrious  house  of 
its  founders  ; and  in  the  words  that  have  proceeded  to-day 
from  your  gracious  mouth,  what  it  will  appreciate  beyond 
the  announcement  of  your  intended  gifts,  is  the  assurance 
that  its  privileges  and  its  independence  will  receive  fresh 
guarantees  of  that  protection  which  was  accorded  to  it  in 
the  past.” 

“Assuredly,”  replied  Eleanor;  “we  shall  take  care  that 
no  harm  is  done  you  or  your  vassals  ; and,  the  charter  we 
shall  give  you  will  expressly  mention  our  desire  to  respect 
the  immunities  of  the  abbey,  and  if  need  be,  to  enforce 
that  respect  on  others.  Moreover,  sir  abbot,  you  are  not 
ignorant  that  in  these  unhappy  times  the  property  of  the 
Church  is  not  always  respected,  even  by  those  who  ought 
to  defend  them.  You  know  the  trials  the  abbey  of  Veze- 
lay  has  experienced  : it  is  our  intention  to  shelter  the 
cloister  of  Saint  Julien  from  these  insults  ; and  there  is  no 
surer  means  of  protecting  your  abbey  than  putting  the 
castle  in  a state  of  defence.” 

On  his  way  back,  the  abbot  asked  himself  what  could 
be  the  cause  of  this  new  turn  in  affairs.  He  re-entered 
the  monastery,  however,  none  the  less  gratified  ; and  after 
vespers  a Te  Deum  was  sung. 

“ To-morrow,  my  dear  lord,”  said  Eleanor  to  her  hus- 
band, when  all  met  at  supper,  “ you  may  set  about  re- 
building your  castle  ; the  abbot  of  Saint  Julien  will  net  feel 


i66 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


himself  aggrieved.”  “ A good  fairy  has  intervened,  no 
doubt,”  said  the  Baron  Guy  ; “ we  are  bound  to  proceed. 

“ By  the  bodies  of  the  saints  ! ” said  Anseric,  when  he 
learned  the  conditions  by  which  the  abbot’s  acquiescence 
was  to  be  secured,  “ you  propose  to  build  so  much  for  the 
Church,  belle  amie , that  there  will  remain  nothing  for  the 
castle  ! ” “ In  good  sooth,”  replied  the  baron,  “ I am  not 

so  very  well  pleased  that  these  monks  should  get  a foot- 
ing among  us.”  “ Pshaw  ! we  will  put  the  chapel  in  the 
bailey;1  and  if  we  have  to  defend  the  castle,  the  monks 
will  remain  outside.”  “ But  why,  sir  uncle,  are  you  always 
so  severe  upon  the  good  monks  ? ” “ Ah  ! gentle  fairy, 

if  you  had  seen  them,  as  I have,  in  lands  beyond  the  sea, 

you  would  agree  with  me  that  it  is  the  worst  breed ” 

“ Come,  do  not  blaspheme,  sir  uncle  ; here  we  are  in  a 
Christian  land — not  among  the  Saracens.” 

A few  days  afterwards,  in  fact,  Anseric  set  the  labourers 
to  work.  The  burgh  and  the  villages  of  the  domain  had 
to  furnish  their  contingent  in  men,  and  in  draught  cattle 
and  carts  ; materials  were  not  wanting  in  the  vicinity. 
Kilns  were  erected  for  burning  lime,  and  the  forest  sup- 
plied timber  in  abundance.  Baron  Guy,  in  virtue  of 
his  military  knowledge,  undertook  the  office  of  director. 
He  sent  secretly  for  a master  of  the  works — a native  of 
Troyes,  whom  he  had  known  in  Palestine.  This  person 
was  kindly  received  at  the  castle,  was  well  provided  for 
and  newly  clothed,  but  carefully  watched,  lest  he  should 
take  it  into  his  head  to  run  away.  The  plans  of  the  new 
castle  were  devised  by  himself  and  the  baron.  Use  was 
made  of  a part  of  the  Roman  fortifications  which  still 
existed.  But  the  reader  must  know  the  position  of  the 
buildings  then  occupying  the  plateau  (Fig.  35)  to  under- 
stand what  is  to  follow. 

1 Outer  court. 


Fig.  35. — The  Old  Castle  de  la  Koche-Pcnt. 


268 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


At  A was  the  castle  of  la  Roche-Pont,  erected  on 
the  Roman  remains,  and  composed  of  irregular  buildings 
out  ©f  repair  ; at  B the  cloister  of  the  abbey  ; and  at  C 
its  church  : at  D the  abbot’s  building. 

The  monastery  was  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  ruins 
of  the  ancient  Roman  enclosure,  and  on  the  other  three 
sides  by  battlemented  walls,  with  a few  turrets. 

At  E was  the  pleasance  of  the  abbey  ; at  F that  of  the 
castle.1  Two  fine  mills,  dependencies  of  the  castle,  stood 
at  G ; and  at  H was  the  pond,  filled  by  the  pent  water  of 
the  stream. 

The  upper  town,  built  on  the  western  incline  of  the 
plateau,  contained  two  parish  churches,  I and  K.  A 
wooden  bridge,  with  mills  belonging  to  the  castle,  existed 
at  L,  another  wooden  bridge  at  M,  and  the  Roman  stone 
bridge  at  N. 

On  the  right  bank  were  several  houses  with  gardens. 
At  O the  road  along  the  plateau  branched  into  two — one 
leading  to  the  entrance  of  the  abbey,  the  other  to  that  of 
the  castle.  At  P was  a breadth  of  cultivated  land,  and  at 
R the  forest,  which  extended  in  a northerly  direction  more 
than  two  thousand  paces.  Of  the  ancient  ramping  wall  of 
the  Romans,  S,  and  of  the  enclosure,  T,  there  existed  only 
heaps  of  débris.  These  remains,  overgrown  with  vegeta- 
tion, formed,  nevertheless,  an  elevation  which  it  was  pos- 
sible to  defend. 

This  sketch  of  the  general  topogio.phy  premised,  we 
proceed  to  explain  the  dispositions  adopted  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  new  castle  (Fig.  36). 2 At  O existed  a fosse, 

1 “The  pleasance”  was  a garden,  planted  with  fruit  trees  and  groves,  which 
served  for  a place  of  promenade,  and  for  divers  outdoor  pastimes. 

2 In  this  figure  the  black  tint  indicates  the  Roman  substructions  preserved 
and  surmounted  by  new  works  ; the  yellow  the  Roman  buildings  entirely  razed  ; 
the  red  the  defences  added  by  the  lord  of  La  Roche-Pont  ; and  the  grey  the 
domestic  buildings  rebuilt  or  repaired. 


F IC  . 36 


THE  CASTLE  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT,  12™  CENTURY. 


COOPtR  S HOOSON,  HTM , /6tf  STR  A /V  O . 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE.  169 

which  was  re-excavated.  A barbican  stood  at  A,  entered 
on  the  left  side. 

The  main  entrance  of  the  castle,  with  its  drawbridge, 
was  necessarily  placed  at  B.  This  gate  had  to  be  pro- 
tected by  two  towers.  Upon  a part  of  the  ancient  Roman 
north  front,  five  towers  were  planned,  whose  curtains  were 
to  join  the  two  ancient  towers,  Y,  which  were  repaired  and 
re-crowned.  A wide  space,  C,  therefore  necessarily  re- 
mained behind  this  foremost  defence.  It  was  the  bailey , a 
fore-court  or  outer-court,  in  which  were  laid  out  the  chapel, 
E,  promised  to  the  abbot  ; stables,  D ; and  outbuildings,  F, 
upon  a Roman  ruin.  At  P was  sunk  a second  fosse  for 
the  protection  of  the  castle,  whose  gateway  was  disposed 
at  G.  A postern  gave  egress  at  H.  The  ancient  Roman 
wall,  M,  received  a new  crowning,  and  three  new  towers 
were  to  add  to  its  strength. 

At  I were  laid  the  foundations  of  the  donjon — partly  on 
ancient  masonry — a donjon  defended  by  a chemise  and 
ditch.  The  buildings  designed  for  habitation  were  situ- 
ated at  K,  with  a chapel  at  I.  At  the  extremities  of  the 
ditch,  P,  cuttings  were  contrived  in  the  two  Roman  cur- 
tains, to  intercept,  if  necessary,  all  communication  between 
the  defences  of  the  bailey  and  those  of  the  castle.  This 
contrivance  was  also  adopted  for  the  two  curtains  abutting 
on  the  donjon. 

The  baron  spent  his  whole  time,  ever  since  the  decision 
come  to  by  his  nephew,  with  the  master  of  the  works,  Alain 
of  Troyes;  while  the  workmen  first  called  in  cleared  the 
ground  and  levelled  the  Roman  ruins,  and  quantities  of 
stone,  sand,  gravel,  and  timber  were  brought  in,  and  the 
ditches  and  trenches  for  the  foundations  were  excavated 
by  the  forced  labour  of  the  tenants. 

The  baron  designed  to  erect  opposite  the  plateau  (the 
point  of  attack)  a great  front,  slightly  convex,  to  screen 


170 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


the  projections,  W'.  He  wished  to  have  a wide  barbican 
in  the  middle  of  this  front,  in  which  to  collect  the  troops 
intended  for  sorties,  and  to  shelter  them  in  case  of  retreat. 
He  had  observed  that  in  all  the  good  defences  erected  by 
the  Christians  in  Syria  the  entrances  were  so  disposed  that 
the  assailant  was  obliged  to  present  his  right  flank  to  the 
defender — with  good  reason,  since  the  left  is  protected  by 
the  shield  or  buckler.  The  position  of  the  gate,  C,  of  the 
castle  had  been  the  subject  of  considerable  study  and  dis- 
cussion on  the  part  of  the  baron  and  his  master  of  works. 
The  latter  wanted  to  place  it  parallel  with  the  front,  but 
the  baron  insisted  on  its  forming  a decided  angle  with  the 
entrance  of  the  bailey.  The  master  of  the  works  urged 
that  the  left-hand  tower  of  this  gate,  G,  would  then  form 
a projection  insufficiently  defended,  and  open  to  attack  ; 
but  the  baron  maintained  that  if  the  besiegers  endeavoured 
to  attack  or  mine  this  tower,  they  would  be  commanded 
obliquely  by  the  tower,  R ; that  by  giving  sinuosities  to  this 
front  of  the  castle  all  points  of  the  bailey  would  be  com- 
manded ; that  the  principal  gate  was  thus  well  masked  ; 
that  nothing  more  would  be  needed  than  to  give  a con- 
siderable thickness  to  the  walls  and  a greater  diameter  to 
the  entrance  towers  ; and  lastly,  if  the  enemy  succeeded  in 
reducing  the  projecting  tower  on  the  right  hand,  a barri- 
cade might  still  be  raised  from  S to  T,  and  the  defence 
prolonged,  with  the  favourable  consideration  that  if  this 
tower  of  the  salient  were  thrown  down,  the  other  would 
remain  intact  and  would  command  the  breach. 

The  postern,  H,  was  also  the  subject  of  lengthened  con- 
sideration on  both  sides.  This  postern  was  necessary  to 
secure  the  provisioning  of  the  castle  without  encumbering 
the  main  entrance.  Placed  near  the  angle  tower,  U,  which 
the  enemy  could  not  attack  because  of  the  steep  escarp- 
ment of  the  plateau,  the  postern  was  well  protected  by 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 


r/i 


that  tower  ; moreover  it  was  to  be  surmounted  by  a quad- 
rangular work  with  double  portcullis  and  double  doors  ; 
lastly,  a braie } X,  defended  its  approach.  It  was  agreed, 
moreover,  that  the  great  central  habitable  part  of  the 
castle,  erected  on  the  remains  of  the  square  Roman  towers, 
should  be  crenelated,  and  should  command  the  curtain, 
and  consequently  the  two  entrances.  Wells  existed  or 
were  sunk  at  p. 

Every  part  having  been  thus  carefully  determined,  the 
works  were  vigorously  prosecuted.  The  baron  was  always 
at  hand,  and  persisted  in  seeing  everything  for  himself. 
The  north  front  of  the  bailey,  and  the  chapel,  E,  were 
first  begun.  This  exterior  work  did  not  greatly  alter  the 
appearance  of  things  ; but  the  donjon  was  next  com- 
menced. And  when  this  tower,  whose  diameter  was 
ninety  feet,  had  reached  an  elevation  of  thirty,  its  aspect 
had  become  formidable.  The  townspeople  viewed  from 
a distance  this  huge  mass  rising  on  the  point  of  the 
plateau,  and  began  to  wonder  what  their  lord  was  intend- 
ing to  do  with  such  an  enormous  tower.  The  abbot  was 
somewhat  disquieted  ; but  he  was  so  handsomely  enter- 
tained at  the  castle  that  he  gave  no  sign  of  dissatisfaction, 
especially  as  the  great  chapel  of  the  bailey  promised  to 
be  very  beautiful. 

Fortunately  for  Anseric,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  at 
that  time  some  rather  important  matters  in  hand — a mis- 
understanding with  the  King  of  France.  Philip  Augustus 
gave  him  considerable  uneasiness,  and  at  such  a time  he 
did  not  wish  to  alienate  his  nobility.  More  than  twe 
years  thus  passed  without  anything  of  serious  conse- 
quence occurring  to  the  lord  of  the  castle.  By  that  time 
the  building  was  very  nearly  finished.  We  give  a bird’s- 
eye  view  of  it  (Fig.  37),  taken  from  the  north-east  angle. 

1 An  outer  wall  of  no  great  height. 


Fig.  37. — BirdVf.ye  View  of  the  Castle  of  la  Roche-Pont. 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 


173 


Nothing  was  talked  of  throughout  the  province  but 
the  beauty  and  strength  of  the  new  castle  of  Roche-Pont, 
and  there  were  men  of  family  in  the  neighbourhood, 
envious  of  the  wealth  and  connections  of  Anseric,  who  did 
their  best  to  represent  him  to  the  duke  as  an  ambitious 
person,  impatient  of  the  feudal  ties  which  bound  him  to 
his  suzerain.  It  was  even  insinuated  that  the  Sieur  de  la 
Roche-Pont,  on  the  strength  of  his  descent,  aimed  at 
nothing  less  than  supplanting  the  duke  ; and  that  he  had 
already  begun  to  intrigue  for  that  object  with  the  king 
of  France  and  with  Pierre  de  Courtenai,  who  had  married 
Agnes,  sister  of  the  last  Count  of  Nevers  and  aunt  of 
Eleanor  ; that  his  tenants  were  crushed  under  the  burden 
of  forced  labours  ; and  that  the  duke  ought  not  to  allow 
one  of  his  vassals  to  oppress  the  poor  people  thus,  in 
order  to  erect  a castle  surpassed  in  strength  by  none  in 
Burgundy. 

As  only  too  frequently  happens,  malevolence  was  thus 
suggesting  to  Anseric  the  course  he  should  pursue  to 
fulfil  his  ambitious  designs. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  (Hugh  III.)  was  anything  but 
a protector  of  ecclesiastical  property.  The  abbot  of 
Saint  Julien  knew  this  ; so  that,  although  he  was 
troubled  in  mind  by  the  defensive  preparations  of  the 
lord  of  Roche-Pont,  and  augured  no  good  to  the  abbey 
from  the  vicinity  of  so  strong  a castle,  he  did  not  dare 
to  manifest  his  fears,  or  endeavour  to  communicate  them 
to  the  ducal  court  ; for  he  was  perhaps  more  afraid  of  the 
duke’s  intervention  than  of  the  power  of  his  immediate 
neighbour. 

At  length  Hugh  was  moved,  and  lent  an  ear  to  all  that 
was  reported  concerning  the  character  and  intentions  of  his 
vassal.  An  opportunity  soon  offered  of  revealing  his  real 
intentions.  While  Anseric  had  enemies  and  enviers  at  the 


174 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


ducal  court,  he  had  also  some  friends;  and  they  did  not  fail 
to  inform  him  of  the  sinister  impressions  produced  in  the 
duke’s  mind  respecting  him,  and  which  he  took  no  trouble 
to  conceal.  He  had  been  heard  to  say  that  he  would  soon 
go  and  try  whether  the  fortress  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  as 
strong  as  was  asserted.  Prudence  was  not  the  duke’s  forte, 
any  more  than  reticence.  He  had  sent  a body  of  his  men- 
at-arms  to  examine  matters  closely.  Now,  the  duke’s  men- 
at-arms  had  acquired  the  habits  of  their  master  ; they  were 
great  robbers  and  plunderers.  Whether  they  acquitted 
themselves  of  their  mission  I cannot  say  ; but  certain  it  is 
that  they  plundered  some  hamlets  and  set  fire  to  several 
granges  belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Saint  Julien. 

The  monks  were  greatly  disquieted,  and  did  not  fail  to 
complain  to  the  lord  of  Roche-Pont. 

The  fief  of  Roche-Pont  lay  under  the  obligation  to  send 
every  year  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  as  its  feudal  dues,  six 
war  horses  caparisoned.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  lord  of 
Roche-Pont  on  this  occasion  to  present  himself  at  the 
ducal  court  after  Easter.  The  current  year  was  1185. 
Anseric  did  not  appear  at  court,  and  did  not  send  the 
six  horses.  Hugh  demanded  them  ; Anseric  replied  that 
the  duke’s  men,  plunderers  and  brigands  as  they  were,  had 
themselves  taken  off  the  horses  that  were  destined  for 
him  ; and  that  it  was  their  place  to  give  them  up  to  their 
master;  that  as  for  himself  and  the  abbot  of  Saint 
Julien,  they  claimed  compensation  for  damages,  and 
demanded  that  the  plunderers  should  be  hanged  on  the 
public  gallows.  Moreover,  that  he,  Anseric,  was  aware 
that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  lent  an  ear  to  the  malevolent 
insinuations  of  the  enemies  of  Roche-Pont,  and  he  would 
choose  his  own  time  for  giving  them  the  lie. 

At  this  haughty  answer  Hugh’s  anger  was  roused,  and 
he  swore  that  he  would  take  no  rest  till  the  castle  of 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE . 


*75 


Roche-Pont  was  razed  to  the  ground,  should  it  cost  him 
a fourth  of  his  dukedom. 

Baron  Guy  had  observed  the  storm  increasing  not  with- 
out a secret  joy  ; but  though  he  liked  fighting,  and 
cherished  an  unbounded  ambition,  he  was  a prudent 
man,  and  one  who — like  all  who  had  long  sojourned  in 
the  East — knew  how  to  intrigue  and  to  secure  the  favour 
of  circumstances.  Most  of  those  old  knights  of  Syria 
joined  the  character  of  the  diplomatist  to  that  of  soldier, 
in  consequence  of  their  relations  with  the  court  of  Con- 
stantinople and  the  Saracens. 

After  Anseric’s  reply,  there  was  no  alternative  but  to 
prepare  for  war,  and  war  à outrance.  But,  however  strong 
the  place  might  be,  Baron  Guy  knew  well  that  every 
besieged  fortress  must,  in  the  end,  fall  into  the  besieger’s 
hands,  if  it  is  not  relieved.  Anseric  had  no  army  to  bring 
into  the  open  field  against  the  duke’s  ; he  could  assemble 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men-at-arms — which  would  imply  a 
total  of  about  twelve  hundred  fighting  men,  as  each  man- 
at-arms  was  accompanied  by  three  or  four  fighting  men. 
Adding  to  this  body  the  men  in  the  town  who  owed  service 
to  the  lord,  a garrison  of  fifteen  to  eighteen  hundred  men 
might  be  reckoned  upon. 

Baron  Guy  had  therefore  a long  conference  with  Eleanor 
and  Anseric  the  evening  after  the  answer  had  been  sent  to 
the  duke  ; when  it  was  resolved  that  the  Lady  de  la 
Roche-Pont,  with  a sufficient  retinue,  should  repair  to  the 
court  of  the  king  of  France,  promising  him  liege-homage 
for  the  lordship  of  Roche-Pont  ; and  asking  help  from  him 
against  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  was  devastating  the 
lands  of  his  vassal,  and  plundering  the  estates  of  the 
abbey  of  Saint  Julien  without  cause  or  reason.  Baron 
Guy  had  some  motives  for  believing  that  these  overtures 
would  be  favourably  received  ; but  he  refrained  from 


176  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

saying  all  he  knew  about  the  matter.  He  advised  his 
niece  to  take  the  abbot  in  her  train,  if  possible,  or,  at  any 
rate,  some  of  the  fraternity,  authorised  by  him. 

Dame  Eleanor  undertook  the  commission  without 
making  the  least  objection,  and,  with  apparent  calmness, 
though  her  heart  was  ready  to  burst  under  her  slender 
corset. 

She  employed  the  night  with  her  women  in  making  pre- 
parations for  her  journey,  and  early  in  the  morning  sent 
for  the  abbot.  The  abbot,  who  foresaw  but  too  clearly — 
whatever  might  happen — the  devastation  of  the  abbey 
domains,  gave  vent  to  repeated  sighs,  protested,  and  de- 
nounced the  barbarity  of  the  times,  but  came  to  no  resolu- 
tion. “Sir  abbot/’  said  Eleanor  to  him,  at  length,  “with 
or  without  you  or  your  monks  I am  going  to  set  out  this 
morning  ; would  you  rather  plead  your  cause  yourself,  or 
have  it  pleaded  by  a woman?”  “Ah!  most  gracious 
lady,”  replied  the  abbot,  “ can  I quit  my  flock  when  the 
wolf  is  preparing  to  devour  it?”  “Well,  then,  give  me 
three  of  your  monks.”  “Yes,  you  are  right — it  must  be 
— it  must  be.”  “ Let  them  be  here  on  horseback  in  an 
hour.”  “Yes,  noble  lady,  they  shall  be  here,  under  the 
protection  of  God  and  the  Holy  Virgin!”  “But,  before 
all  things,  sir  abbot,  not  a word  about  this  journey,  and 
do  not  let  the  brotherhood  know  where  I am  taking  them.” 
“Yes,  certainly  ; the  fraternity  are  to  understand  that  they 
are  sent  to  some  dependency  or  some  neighbouring  abbey.” 
“Very  good,  but  make  haste!”  Dame  Eleanor,  weeping, 
embraced  her  children,  her  husband  and  uncle;  but,  drying 
her  tears  as  she  mounted  her  palfrey,  she  presented  herself 
to  her  small  retinue  with  a calm  countenance.  “ Fair 
niece,”  said  Baron  Guy  to  her,  just  as  she  was  waiting 
on  the  horse-block,  “ the  duke  will  certainly  do  his  ut- 
most to  be  here  as  quickly  as  he  can.  He  might  possibly 


THE  FEUDAL  CASTLE. 


1 77 


arrive  before  your  return.  If  it  should  be  so.  proceed  with 
caution,  conceal  yourself  and  your  train  at  the  vavasor’s, — 
Pierre  Landry’s — two  leagues  hence,  in  the  valley  ; he  will 
be  informed  of  your  intention,  look  out  for  your  return, 
and  give  me  news  of  you.  Then  we  shall  see  what  can 
be  done.” 

The  Lady  de  la  Roche-Pont’s  train  consisted  of  a dozen 
trusty  men,  retainers  of  the  castle,  commanded  by  a veteran 
knight  of  prudence  and  experience,  with  two  women  and 
the  three  monks.  The  party  was  supposed  by  the 
servants  at  the  castle,  to  be  making  a visit  to  the  Lady 
de  Courtenai,  Eleanor’s  aunt. 


CHAPTER  X. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  making  all  speed  to  reduce 
his  vassal.  In  the  space  of  a fortnight  he  had  gathered 
six  or  seven  thousand  men,  and  was  beginning  his  march. 
Anseric  and  Baron  Guy  had  not  failed  to  make  the  most 
of  this  respite.  They  provisioned  the  castle  for  three 
months  at  least.  They  fabricated  four  large  trebuchets 
and  half-a-dozen  catapults.  Timber  in  sufficient  quantity 
had  been  cut  in  the  forest  for  making  hoardings,  palisades, 
and  wooden  defences.  Thirty  stone-cutters  were  constantly 
at  work  making  projectiles  of  sixty  and  a hundred  pounds 
weight  for  the  mangonels.  Each  workman  could  produce 
ten  in  a day,  and  at  the  end  of  a fortnight  they  had  amassed 
a store  of  four  thousand  five  hundred.  In  the  town,  cross- 
bows and  quarrels  were  being  made  ; for  the  townsmen  who 
had  to  render  service  were  bound  to  come  armed,  equipped, 
and  provided  with  missiles  in  sufficient  quantity.  There 
were  archers  also,  for  whom  arrows  of  ashwood,  bows  of 
yew,  and  cords  of  long-fibred  hemp  were  being  made. 

Although  the  lord  of  Roche- Pont  could  not,  as  stated 
above,  assemble  more  than  eighteen  hundred  men,  and 
therefore  could  not  contemplate  defending  the  whole 
plateau — that  is  to  say,  the  castle  and  the  abbey — Baron 
Guy,  who  had  reasons  for  it,  urged  him  not  to  allow  the 
enemy  to  occupy  the  monastery  without  defending  it,  even 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE . 


179 


were  it  feebly.  “ You  ought  to  defend  the  monastery,”  lie 
would  say  to  his  nephew,  " whenever  the  interests  of  the 
suzerain  are  involved  ; and  since  henceforth  you  are  going 
to  do  homage  for  your  fief  to  the  king  of  France,  he  is 
your  suzerain  ; his  interests,  therefore,  are  involved,  and 
it  is  your  duty  to  defend  the  abbey.” 

To  this  specious  reasoning  Anseric  could  find  nothing 
to  answer.  The  northern  wall  of  the  abbey  was  there- 
fore put  in  a state  of  defence  ; they  connected  its  north- 
east angle  with  the  débris  of  the  Roman  wall  still  existing 
on  the  edge  of  the  plateau  by  a strong  palisade  and  ditch, 
and  barricaded  the  western  brow  above  the  town,  between 
the  abbey  and  the  bailey  of  the  castle. 

The  abbot  had  made  a show  of  opposing  these  works, 
asserting  with  reason  that  the  abbey  was  not  at  war  with 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  did  not  refuse  its  customary 
homage.  But  Baron  Guy,  as  an  old  crusader,  was  a casuist 
of  the  first  order,  and,  relying  on  the  letter  of  the  charter, 
maintained  that  the  lord  of  Roche-Pont  was  fighting  for 
the  cause  of  his  suzerain,  and  that  consequently  he  mu^f 
be  faithful  to  the  stipulations  respecting  the  abbey.  These 
debates  did  not  stop  the  workmen  ; and  although  the  abbot 
had  sent  for  his  vassals  with  a view  to  guard  the  monastery, 
they  were  in  no  hurry  to  obey  his  summons,  believing  that 
they  were  not  in  a condition  to  resist  Anseric’s  vassals,  and 
preferring  to  await  the  result  of  what  was  being  done 
before  taking  any  side. 

The  baron  also  had  a trench  dug  from  the  south-east 
angle  of  the  abbey  wall  to  the  eastern  ridge  of  the  plateau  ; 
then  he  had  the  trench  covered  with  timbers  and  faggots, 
and  the  turf  replaced  above  it,  so  as  to  leave  no  external 
sign  of  its  existence.  Outside  the  barbican  of  the  castle 
and  the  ditch  was  raised  a strong  palisade  which  protected 
its  circumference,  leaving  between  it  and  the  wall  a space  of 


N 2 


180  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

twenty  paces,  and  which  gave  lists  thirty  paces  wide  in 
front  of  the  counterscarp  of  the  ditch. 

The  twenty-second  day  after  Anseric’s  answer  (the  5th 
of  May),  the  duke’s  troops  appeared  on  the  plateau  before 
the  abbey.  The  first  comers  spread  themselves  in  the 
town,  and  were  beginning  to  plunder  it,  when  the  duke 
interposed,  and,  contrary  to  his  wont,  gave  orders  that 
the  inhabitants  and  their  property  should  be  respected. 
Listening  to  wise  counsels  for  once,  he  was  intending  to 
separate  the  interests  of  Anseric’s  vassals  from  those  of 
their  lord,  to  isolate  the  latter,  and  thus  subdue  him  more 
easily.  So  that  very  evening  he  issued  a proclamation  by 
sound  of  trumpet  through  the  whole  town,  to  the  effect 
that  he  was  attacking  the  lord  of  Roche-Pont  only,  who 
had  been  declared  a felon  for  having  broken  his  fealty  to 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  ; that  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
and  of  the  valley  would  be  respected  as  long  as  they  did 
not  take  part  with  the  lord  of  Roche-Pont  ; that  from 
this  day  forwards  they  were  free  of  all  dues  and  services 
towards  the  said  lord  ; but  that  those  who  should  be  con- 
victed of  taking  part  with  him  should  be  hanged  as  traitors 
to  their  lawful  lord,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  A herald 
presented  himself  before  the  walls  of  the  abbey,  and  in  a 
loud  voice  uttered  the  same  proclamation.1  But  the  baron 
had  foreseen  this  contingency,  and  all  the  townsmen  who 
had  come  in  arms  at  Anseric’s  summons  were  shut  up  in 
the  castle.  He  had  appointed  for  the  defence  of  the 
abbey,  only  men  on  whom  he  could  rely — men  who  were 
directly  dependent  on  Anseric,  and  attached  to  his  fortunes 
— with  some  of  those  adventurers  whose  services  were 
enlisted  in  any  wars  that  might  arise,  and  who,  having  no 
ties  of  family  or  country,  used  to  fight  for  those  who  paid 
them  best. 


1 See  Fig.  35. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


181 


These  defenders  of  the  abbey  were  scarcely  more  than 
one  hundred  resolute  men.  They  received  the  herald’s 
proclamation  with  derisive  shouts,  answering  that  they 
knew  no  other  lord  but  the  king  of  France  ; and  that  if  it 
came  to  hanging,  they  could  play  at  that  game  quite 
as  well  as  the  duke’s  people.  During  the  night  two 
mangonels  were  mounted  opposite  the  north  wall  of 
the  monastery,  and  had  soon  dismantled  the  defences  ; 
but  Anseric’s  men  had  retrenched  themselves  in  the 
building  behind  that  wall  ; and  when  the  Burgundians 
advanced  with  ladders  to  scale  the  wall,  they  received 
them  with  a shower  of  darts,  which  killed  some  of  the 
assailants. 

Nevertheless,  the  besiegers  mounted  the  wall  and  de- 
scended into  the  long  narrow  court  enclosed  by  the  build- 
ing. There  they  were  exposed  to  the  stones  and  débris 
of  timber  which  the  defenders  threw  at  them  out  of  the 
windows.  The  east  court  was  barricaded,  and  Anseric. 
with  about  twenty  men,  was  guarding  the  barricades.  He 
defended  it  bravely  for  a good  hour,  and  the  Burgundians, 
fighting  in  a narrow  space,  sustained  some  losses.  They 
succeeded,  however,  in  breaking  open  a door  of  the 
building,  and  rushed  into  the  cloister.  There  they  were 
still  exposed  to  the  darts  and  stones  hurled  at  them  by 
some  of  the  defenders  posted  on  the  north  side  of  the 
church. 

A body  of  Burgundians  began  to  attack  the  south-east 
barricade,  outside  the  enclosure,  to  take  the  abbey  in  the 
rear.  It  was  there  that  the  baron  was  posted,  with  about 
fifty  men.  The  combat  was  severe  and  sanguinary,  and 
before  withdrawing,  seeing  that  the  defenders  were  gradu- 
ally abandoning  the  abbey,  he  had  the  faggots  in  the 
trench  behind  set  on  fire. 

Already  Anseric  and  his  men  were  on  the  road  to  the 


182 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


chateau , and  were  sheltered  by  the  defences  of  the  bar- 
bican. Guy  rejoined  them,  pursued  by  a large  body  of 
Burgundians.  But  a thick  smoke  soon  began  to  issue 
from  the  trench,  and  the  assailants  who  were  coming  up, 
seeing  the  ground  undermined  beneath  them,  dared  not 
advance.  On  this  Guy  and  Anseric  fell  upon  those  who 
had  ventured  within  bowshot  of  the  barbican,  and  killed 
a good  number  of  them.  Excited  by  the  struggle,  and 
exasperated  by  the  resistance  they  met  with,  the  duke’s 
men  entered  the  various  buildings  of  the  abbey,  killing 
the  wounded,  and  plundering.  Fire,  kindled  by  the  de- 
fenders or  the  Burgundians,  soon  reached  the  cloister  and 
the  roof  of  the  church. 

The  poor  monks,  assembled  in  the  choir  during  the 
struggle,  were  soon  forced  to  quit  this  retreat  ; for  burn- 
ing brands  were  falling  on  the  pavement  through  the 
holes  in  the  vaulted  ceiling.  It  was  already  night,  and 
many  were  massacred  by  the  drunken  soldiery.  Most  of 
them  had  cowered  down  trembling  in  a vaulted  chamber 
on  the  ground  floor.  It  was  there  that  the  duke  found 
them  when  he  entered  the  burning  abbey.  The  abbot 
threw  himself  on  his  knees  ; but  the  irritated  duke  re- 
pulsed him  harshly,  saying  : “ Sir  abbot,  it  ill  becomes 
ecclesiastics  to  fight  against  their  lord  ; and  if  I do  not 
have  you  and  your  monks  hanged,  you  may  thank  your 
habit.  Begone,  and  tell  your  brethren  of  your  for- 
feitures ! ” Vainly  did  the  abbot  protest  his  innocence, 
and  asseverate  that  if  the  abbey  had  been  defended,  it 
was  against  his  will  ; and  the  duke,  whose  anger  seemed 
to  gather  warmth  at  every  word  the  father  spoke,  ended 
by  ordering  his  men  to  drive  out  all  the  monks. 

The  unhappy  fraternity,  perishing  of  hunger,  betook 
themselves  to  the  town,  where  some  kindly-disposed  per- 
sons took  them  in  ; but  the  duke  would  not  allow  this, 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE . 


183 


and  proclaimed  next  day  that  every  inhabitant  who  should 
give  shelter  to  a monk  should  be  hanged.  Collecting 
some  provisions,  therefore,  they  started  for  Cluny  on 
foot. 

The  duke  had  given  orders  to  extinguish  the  flames,  for 
he  was  intending  to  reside  in  the  abbey  during  the  siege 
of  the  castle  ; but  there  remained  no  part  of  it  fit  for 
habitation  except  the  abbot’s  dwelling,  situated  north  of 
the  church.1 

Retired  within  the  castle,  after  having  lost  a fourth  of 
their  men  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  struggle,  Anseric 
and  the  baron  were  making  their  final  arrangements.  The 
troops  who  had  re-entered  with  them  were  in  high  spirits, 
for  they  had  inflicted  sensible  losses  on  the  enemy  ; and 
thought  of  nothing  but  defending  themselves  to  the  utter- 
most. Guy  was  delighted,  and  his  sombre  visage  was 
lighted  up  with  an  air  of  gaiety. 

“We  are  getting  on  bravely,”  said  he  to  his  nephew, 
when  they  were  alone,  “ bravely,  I say  : now  that  the 
abbey  is  burned  we  are  sure  to  be  aided  by  the  king  of 
France;  we  have  made  a capital  commencement.”  “But 
these  poor  monks  ; what  has  become  of  them  ? Ah  ! my 
worthy  uncle,  it  would  have  been  better  to  leave  them 
alone  ; we  should  now  have  some  thirty  brave  fellows 
more  here,  and  should  not  have  to  reproach  ourselves 
with  having  caused  the  convent  to  be  burned  and  the 
monks  massacred,  perhaps.”  “ Stay,  stay,  my  good 
nephew  ; monks  always  get  out  of  their  difficulties,  and 
they  are  sure  to  be  able  to  restore  their  abbey.  Besides^ 
it  is  the  duke’s  men  who  have  burned  it  ! Besides,  was  it 
not  our  duty  to  defend  it?  Say  no  more  about  it.  Jean 
Otte  will  get  out  to-night  by  the  donjon  postern.  He  is 
a rough  sort  of  fellow,  but  a cunning  blade  ; in  five  days 
1 See  Fig.  35. 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


184 

he  will  be  with  our  gentle  Eleanor,  and  tell  how  that  the 
noble  duke  has  sacked  the  abbey,  and  burned  all  the 
monkery  ! It’s  capital  ! capital  ! ” 

On  either  side  about  a dozen  prisoners  had  been  taken. 
The  next  morning,  May  7th,  the  people  of  the  castle  saw 
three  of  these  unhappy  men  hanging  up,  by  the  duke’s 
orders,  on  the  trees  of  the  pleasance.  Immediately  three 


Burgundian  prisoners  were  hanged  on  the  battlements  of 
the  barbican. 

None  of  the  bridges  had  been  destroyed  by  the  besieged. 
They  were  occupied  by  the  duke’s  men,  and  defended  each 
by  a good  bretèche  (Fig.  38),  to  hinder  any  communication 
from  one  bank  to  the  other.  The  south  wall  of  the  abbey 
was  strengthened  by  palisades  joining  the  two  ridges  west 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


185 


and  ^ast  of  the  plateau.  A guard  was  posted  in  the  two 
mills  belonging  to  the  monastery,1  and  a wooden  tower 
built  by  the  side  of  the  rivulet,  below  the  south-east  part 
of  the  castle. 

These  first  measures  adopted,  the  duke  had  a ditch  dug, 
with  a mound  crossing  the  pleasance  of  the  castle  within 
bowshot,  and  connecting  the  two  ridges.  This  intrench- 
ment  of  contravallation  was  strengthened  by  two  wooden 
towers,  one  at  each  end,  with  an  outlet  near  each  of  them, 
and  one  in  the  middle  (Fig-  39)-  The  castle  was  thus 
completely  invested  (May  15th). 


While  these  works  were  being  executed,  there  were 
trifling  skirmishes  every  day  between  the  defenders  and 
the  besiegers.  They  were  trying  each  other  s strength,  but 
nothing  serious  was  attempted.  The  duke  bent  his  whole 
strength  towards  preventing  the  lord  of  Roche-Pont  and 
his  men  from  escaping  : he  was  taking  his  time.  Baron  Guy 
was  often  closeted  with  a certain  individual  whom  he 
called  his  chaplain,  and  who  had  accompanied  him  from 
Palestine.  In  the  castle,  this  so-called  chaplain  never  went 
1 See  G,  Fig.  35. 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


1 86 

by  any  other  name  than  the  Saracen.  He  was  a tall,  thin 
personage,  with  dark  brown  skin,  black  eyes  and  hair, 
always  dressed  in  a coarse  grey  surtout.  He  spoke  little, 
and  drank  nothing  but  water  ; but  never  failed  to  be  pre- 
sent at  mass  in  the  chapel  of  the  castle,  and  would  remain 
long  hours  in  prayer.  The  baron  asserted  that  he  was  a 
monk  of  the  order  of  Bethlehem.  Whatever  he  was,  he 
had  charge  of  the  sick,  and  possessed  remedies  for  wounds 
of  all  kinds.  He  was  gentle  in  manner,  never  looked  a 
woman  in  the  face,  was  a scholar,  and  would  read  aloud  so 
as  to  charm  the  most  delicate  ears.  His  official  name  was 
Brother  Jerome.  Now,  during  the  leisure  which  the  enemy 
left  the  besieged  (who  were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to 
offer  any  hindrance  to  the  siege  works  of  the  Burgundians, 
and  could  do  nothing  but  keep  a careful  look-out),  it  was 
remarked  at  the  castle  that  the  baron  and  Brother  Jerome 
passed  whole  hours  together,  in  the  lower  apartment  of  one 
of  the  towers,  of  which  they  alone  had  the  key.  Their 
clothes  were  often  observed  to  be  blackened  when  they 
came  out. 

It  was  the  eighth  day  of  the  investment,  which  appeared 
now  to  be  complete  (May  22nd).  The  baron  had  a 
secret  conference  with  his  nephew  and  Brother  Jerome 
in  the  evening,  and  about  six  o’clock,  orders  were  given 
to  prepare  one  of  the  largest  trebuchets,  whose  framing 
had  been  transported  thither  during  the  preceding  night, 
at  the  western  end  of  the  lists,  outside  the  ditch. 

About  two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  engine  was 
mounted,  the  night  being  still  completely  dark,  as  it  would 
be  at  that  season.  They  then  tried  its  range  against  the 
right-hand  tower  of  the  besiegers’  contravallation,  with 
stones  ; and  when  the  proper  range  had  been  secured — a 
point  ascertained  by  the  noise  of  the  projectiles  that  fell 
on  the  woodwork — Brother  Jerome  placed  in  the  lowered 


. 

■ 


. 


Fig.  40. 


Night  Sortie  of  the  Garrison  of  the  Castle. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


i «7 

pouch  of  the  stone-propeller  a barrel  provided  with  a 
match,  and  giving  orders  to  let  go  the  beam  of  the 
engine,  set  fire  to  the  match  with  a brand  taken  from  a 
brasier  kindled  for  the  purpose. 

With  a whizzing  sound,  the  end  of  the  beam  traced  a 
bow  of  fire,  and  the  barrel  was  shot  forth,  leaving  a long 
and  luminous  trail  behind  it  ; it  struck  the  wooden  tower, 
and  in  bursting  spread  a sheaf  of  white  flames  which 
seemed  to  cling  to  the  woodwork.  The  engine,  lowered 
anew,  sent  a second  barrel  and  a third.  The  wooden 
tower  then  resembled  a furnace  (Fig.  40). 

Great  was  the  agitation  among  the  guard  of  the  be- 
siegers, and  the  defenders  could  hear  their  shouts  from  the 
ramparts.  Taking  advantage  of  their  confusion,  Anseric 
had  the  barrier  of  the  lists  opened,  and  followed  by  two 
hundred  men,  went  at  full  speed  to  the  contravallation, 
passed  through  the  central  gate,  which  was  but  slightly 
guarded,  and  turned  to  the  left,  passing  along  the  interior 
of  the  enemy’s  earthwork. 

The  Burgundians  had  betaken  themselves  to  the  tower 
to  try  to  extinguish  the  flames.  The  besieged  rushed 
upon  the  disorderly  mass,  most  of  them  being  unarmed 
The  baron  had  also  gone  out  with  a second  body  to  pro- 
tect his  nephew’s  retreat.  The  duke  heard  the  shouting 
from  the  abbey,  saw  the  fire,  and  immediately  gave  orders 
to  march  forward.  But  during  the  last  hours  of  night,  men 
are  not  very  active.  Before  help  arrived,  Anseric  had  had 
time  to  kill  or  put  to  flight  all  who  were  guarding  the  con- 
travallation. He  could  therefore  re-enter  the  lists  at  his 
leisure,  and  without  having  lost  a single  man  ; some  few 
being  wounded.  Daylight  revealed  to  the  duke  the  smok- 
ing remains  of  one  of  his  towers. 

This  sally  raised  the  courage  of  the  besieged  ; none  of 
them,  except  those  who  had  been  in  the  wars  of  the 


1 88 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Crusaders,  knew  the  effects  of  the  Greek  fire.  They 
deemed  'themselves,  thenceforth,  invincible.  This  was  the 
baron’s  object  in  planning  this  attack,  whose  result  was 
otherwise  of  little  value  to  the  besieged. 

In  place  of  the  wooden  tower  that  had  been  burned,  the 
duke  had  a platform  raised,  consisting  of  wicker-work  and 
turf,  on  which  was  placed  a substantial  floor  of  beams  to 
receive  a trebuchct  which  swept  the  lists,  and  almost  reached 
the  barbican.  Then  he  raised  a second  platform,  in  the 
very  centre  of  the  front  of  the  contravallation,  with  a man- 
gonel, whose  projectiles  fell  right  into  the  barbican.  To 
these  engines  the  besieged  opposed  the  first  trebuchet,  and 
another  mounted  in  the  barbican.  But  on  neither  side  was 
any  great  damage  effected  by  them  during  a whole  day’s 
working,  for  as  soon  as  the  soldiers  saw  the  beam  of  the 
enemy’s  engine  lowered,  they  got  out  of  the  way.  The 
besiegers  enlarged  the  central  platform,  and  were  then  able 
to  mount  the  mangonels  upon  it,  which  succeeded  in 
utterly  destroying  the  trebuchet  set  up  in  the  barbican, 
and  the  palisades  in  front,  and  in  dismantling  the  battle- 
ments. The  garrison  of  the  castle  were  obliged  to  cower 
down  against  the  walls,  if  they  would  avoid  abandoning 
the  works.  When  the  besiegers  deemed  the  palisades  in- 
defensible, and  the  battlements  sufficiently  broken  down, 
the  signal  was  given  for  the  assault  (May  25th). 

In  the  first  place,  protected  by  mantelets  or  by  their 
bucklers,  the  archers  and  crossbowmen  advanced  to 
about  sixty  paces  from  the  barbican,  forming  an  arc  of 
a circle  around  it — the  archers  in  the  front  rank,  the  cross- 
bowmen behind.  Immediately  one  of  the  defenders 
showed  himself  on  the  rampart,  he  was  hit.  The  garrison, 
sheltered  as  far  as  possible  by  the  remains  of  the  merlons, 
and  by  their  bucklers,  replied  as  best  they  could,  but  in- 
effectually, for  their  situation  was  a very  trying  one.  Not 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


189 


wishing  to  risk  his  men’s  lives  uselessly,  Anseric  made 
them  lie  flat  on  their  faces  on  the  rampart,  so  as  to  be 
ready  at  the  moment  of  assault. 

Two  bodies  of  Burgundians  then  advanced,  provided 
with  ladders  having  hooks,  and  with  planks,  which  they 
threw  over  the  little  ditch  of  the  palisade.  Some  reso- 
lute men  defended  the  palisade,  but  it  was  so  broken  by 
the  projectiles  that  these  defenders  had  to  abandon  it. 
Then  about  thirty  ladders  were  set  up  against  the  bar- 
bican, and  strings  of  men  climbed  their  rounds  ; but  the 
garrison  succeeded  in  unhooking  the  ladders  and  throwing 
down  the  assailants  ; others,  making  use  of  the  débris  of 
the  merlons,  crushed  them.  Those  of  the  assailants  who 
reached  the  summit  w'ere  received  with  blows  of  bills, 
boarspears,  and  crowbars. 

The  foot  of  the  barbican  was  already  covered  with 
dead  and  wounded,  with  the  débris  of  ladders,  and  stones. 
From  the  towers  of  the  bailey  gate  skilful  crossbow- 
men, well  protected,  hit  most  of  those  assailants  who 
succeeded  in  mounting  on  the  remains  of  the  parapet. 
The  assault,  three  times  renewed,  was  as  ofien  repelled, 
with  considerable  loss  to  the  Burgundians.  The  assailants 
had  burst  in  the  gate  of  the  barbican  ; but  the  baron, 
seeing  that  the  lists  could  not  be  defended,  had  caused 
the  gate  to  be  barricaded,  leaving  only  a narrow  egress 
to  allow  the  last  defenders  of  the  palisades  to  re-enter. 
As  soon  as  these  had  got  in,  beams  and  barrels  were 
heaped  up  against  this  gate.  On  this  side  the  assailants 
were  exposed  to  the  projectiles  hurled  from  the  towers 
and  curtains  of  the  bailey.  They  succeeded,  however, 
in  setting  up  mantelets  to  protect  them,  and  throwing 
sulphur  and  resin  on  these  remains  of  the  gate,  set  it 
on  fire.  The  flames  were  communicated  to  the  barri- 
cade, but  the  defenders  incessantly  brought  up  fresh 


190  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

pieces  of  wood,  and  night  came  without  the  enemy 
having  been  able  to  occupy  the  work.  He  nevertheless 
maintained  his  position  around  the  barbican,  sheltered 
behind  fascines  and  mantelets,  and  piling  against  its 
walls  trunks  of  trees,  clods  of  turf,  and  mattresses  taken 
from  the  scattered  houses  ; while  a trebuchet  was  inces- 
santly discharging  stones  on  the  area  of  the  defence. 

* The  besieged  had  abandoned  it  since  midnight,  and  had 
thrown  down  the  bridge  giving  entrance  to  the  bailey. 

At  sunrise,  therefore  (May  26th),  the  Burgundians  were 
able  to  get  within  the  walls  of  the  barbican  without 
opposition,  but  they  found  themselves  directly  exposed 
to  the  projectiles  thrown  from  the  defences  of  the  bailey, 
which  were  provided  with  hoarding.  It  was  not  with- 
out loss  that  the  besiegers  got  a lodgment  within  the 
barbican,  a considerable  length  of  whose  wall  they  threw 
down.  Then,  having  cleared  the  breach,  they  set  to  work 
to  bring  forward  a cat  which  had  been  framed  together 
beforehand  out  of  range,  at  some  distance  from  the  con- 
travallation,  while  two  terraces  were  being  raised  outside 
the  walls  of  the  barbican,  and  abutting  against  them 
(Fig.  41). 

The  Burgundians  could  not  undertake  a new  attack 
before  these  works  were  completed.  Baron  Guy  deter- 
mined to  avail  himself  of  this  respite.  Behind  the  left- 
hand  curtain  of  the  bailey  gate,  he  set  up  the  two 
remaining  trebuchets  on  a wooden  platform,  and  then 
connected  the  corner  of  the  chapel  and  the  corner  of  the 
building  D,  belonging  to  the  stables,  by  a good  palisading 
with  a ditch.1  The  trebuchets  were  mounted  within  this 
palisading*  forming  an  interior  retrenchment.  The  timbers 
of  the  hoarding  were  thoroughly  wetted  and  smeared 
with  mud — as  far  as  the  enemy’s  attacks  permitted.  This 
1 See  Fig.  36. 


ANNALS  OF  A FORl'RESS. 


192 

precaution  was  not  useless,  for  the  Burgundians  soon  dis- 
charged on  these  hoardings,  with  their  catapults,  darts 
furnished  with  tow  dipped  in  pitch  and  lighted.  The 
besieged,  armed  with  poles  to  which  were  fastened  pieces 
of  wet  blanket,  extinguished  these  missiles  without  much 
trouble  ; for  the  flame  had  not  the  intensity  of  the  Greek 
fire,  and  did  not  cling  to  the  wood.  In  fact  the  tow 
would  sometimes  be  extinguished  in  its  passage. 

In  twelve  hours  the  trebuchets  of  the  besieged  were 
mounted,  and  began  to  hurl  stones  of  sixty  and  a hundred 
pounds  weight  on  the  barbican  occupied  by  the  enemy, 
and  even  beyond,  which  annoyed  them  excessively  ; for 
not  seeing  the  engines,  they  were  unable  to  aim  in  return 
— except  by  guess — with  the  mangonels  they  had  set  up 
on  the  terraces  ; and  all  the  projectiles  passed  over  the 
heads  of  the  defenders.  During  three  days  no  change 
occurred  in  the  situation  on  either  side.  The  Burgundians, 
however,  had  succeeded  in  filling  up  the  fosse  on  the 
right  of  the  bailey  gate  ; and  they  had  thrown  so  many 
stones  with  their  mangonels  against  the  hoarding  of  the 
neighbouring  towers,  that  these  timber  defences  fell  to 
pieces  ; but  the  stone  battlement  behind  remained  intact, 
and  the  defenders  were  still  perfectly  sheltered  behind 
their  merlons,  whence  they  sent  showers  of  quarrels  and 
arrows. 

The  fosse  having  been  filled  up  (May  30th),  the  cat 
advanced,  rolling  on  planks  between  the  two  terraces, 
through  the  breach  of  the  barbican.  Then  as  the  filling 
in  of  the  fosse  had  an  inclination  towards  t ht  curtain,  the 
cat  of  itself  went  striking  its  iron  muzzle  against  the  wall 
(Fig.  42).  Thereupon  the  besieged  threw  down  on  its 
double-sloped  roof  huge  stones,  beams,  and  small  barrels 
of  Greek  fire.  But  the  roof  was  solidly  plated  with  iron  ; 
its  slopes  greatly  inclined,  and  covered  with  earth  and 


Fig.  42. — The  Cat. 


194 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


wetted  mattresses,  allowed  the  stones,  beams,  and  barrels 
to  slip  off  right  and  left.  Men  placed  within  the  cat 
thrust  away  the  inflammable  projectiles  with  long 
forks,  so  that  they  might  not  set  fire  to  the  sides  of  the 
gallery.  This  latter  was  preserved,  therefore,  despite  the 
efforts  of  the  besieged,  and  the  miners,  protected  by  its 
roof,  set  to  work  at  the  base  of  the  wall. 

The  following  night  Baron  Guy  determined  to  make  a 
last  effort  to  set  the  cat  on  fire.  The  working  of  the 
miners  could  be  heard.  Beneath  the  gate  B1  of  the 
bailey,  there  was  a drain  which  discharged  the  rain-water 
of  the  court  into  the  ditch.  This  mouth  had  been  in 
great  part  walled  up  when  the  enemy  presented  them- 
selves before  the  place.  The  floor  of  the  bridge,  in  falling, 
had  moreover  hidden  it  from  the  besiegers.  The  baron 
had  the  walling  removed  noiselessly  with  crowbars,  and 
when  the  opening  was  large  enough  to  allow  a man  to 
pass,  he  chose  three  determined  fellows  who,  with  Brother 
Jerome,  slid  down  into  the  ditch.  Crawling  up  the  mound 
which  supported  the  cat , they  slipped  beneath  its  gallery 
two  small  barrels  of  Greek  fire.  Lighting  the  match 
with  the  aid  of  a preparation  which  the  brother  brought 
in  a box,  they  went  back  as  they  had  come,  and  the 
mouth  of  the  drain  was  again  walled  up. 

From  the  summit  of  the  neighbouring  towers  the  be- 
sieged had  then  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  barrels  spread 
streams  of  white  flames,  which,  clinging  to  the  timbers 
of  the  gallery,  set  it  on  fire. 

The  more  water  the  besiegers  threw  on  the  flames  the 
more  intense  they  became,  so  they  began  to  try  turf 
and  mould.  The  defenders  then  recommenced  throwing 
beams  and  stones  on  the  roof  of  the  cat  ; then  more 
barrels  of  Greek  fire,  bundles  of  straw',  and  faggots. 

1 See  Fig.  36. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


ns 


In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  Burgundians,  the  gallery 
being  quite  filled  with  suffocating  smoke,  was  no  longer 
tenable.  They  were  forced  to  abandon  it  ; and  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  that  they  were  able  to  preserve  from 
the  fire  about  eighteen  feet  by  cutting  it  away  with  axes. 
The  besieged  on  their  side  had  not  been  able  to  prevent 
part  of  the  remains  of  the  hoardings  above  the  cat  from 
catching  fire  ; but  these  hoardings  were  already  past 
service,  and  their  efforts  were  confined  to  preventing  the 
fire  from  extending  right  and  left.  The  entire  head  of  the 
cat  against  the  wall  and  twenty  feet  of  its  length  was 
burned.  The  operations  of  the  miners  were  not  much 
advanced,  still  they  had  already  removed  enough  material 
to  give  shelter  to  two  men  from  the  projectiles  falling 
from  the  ramparts.  Under  favour  of  night,  therefore, 
some  pioneers  returned  to  the  mine-hole  by  creeping 
under  the  débris  of  the  cat.  The  darkness  was  great  and 
the  defenders  did  not  observe  them.  But  Brother  Jerome 
was  on  the  watch  for  suspicious  sounds,  and  soon  came  to 
inform  the  baron  that  they  were  mining  again.  “ Well,” 
said  the  latter,  “ let  us  repeat  yesterday’s  manœuvre  ; send 
men  out  through  the  mouth  of  the  drain  which  these 
Burgundians  are  so  stupid  as  not  to  have  looked  for  ; and 
let  some  good  thrusts  of  the  knife  relieve  us  of  these 
burrowers  ; but  let  there  be  no  noise  ! ” The  mouth  of 
the  drain  was  once  more  unwalled,  and  Brother  Jerome 
with  his  three  companions  in  the  previous  exploit,  armed 
with  long  knives  and  gliding  along  the  wall,  reached  the 
hole  of  the  mine.  Three  pioneers,  intent  on  their  work, 
were  noiselessly  killed  ; a fourth,  who  was  outside  hidden 
in  the  débris  of  the  cat  to  watch,  slept,  heard  nothing,  and 
remained  there  unperceived  by  Brother  Jerome  and  his 
companions.  Waking  up  soon  afterwards  he  called  in  a 
low  voice  to  his  comrades  . . . there  was  no  answer  ; he 


O 2 


96 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


felt  with  his  hand,  touched  a dead  body — -then  a second, 
then  a third.  Terrified  and  not  .daring  to  return  to  the 
Burgundians  from  fear  (a  very  reasonable  one)  of  being 
hanged,  he  followed  the  wall,  came  to  the  débris  of  the 
bridge,  and  found  himself  in  front  of  the  mouth  of  the 
drain,  which  was  being  silently  walled  up  for  the  third 
time.  Only  a dark  lantern  threw  its  faint  light  on  the 
workmen  who  were  visible  through  the  small  opening 
which  remained  to  be  closed.  The  Burgundian  compre- 
hended, and  immediately  determined  what  to  do.  “ A 
deserter!”  said  he  in  a low  voice  at  the  orifice.  “Thy 
hand!”  replied  Brother  Jerome.  The  hand  appeared  at 
the  entrance  of  the  hole,  and  the  whole  body  was  forcibly 
dragged  through,  not  without  excoriations,  by  the  friar  and 
one  of  his  companions.  The  new  comer  was  disarmed 
and  conducted  before  Anseric  and  the  baron  as  soon  as 
the  mouth  of  the  drain  had  been  securely  closed.  The 
poor  wretch  remained  trembling  before  the  two  Seigneurs 
and  naïvely  recounted  what  had  happened  to  him.  He 
was  a young  man  from  Semur,  in  Auxois,  who,  like  most 
of  his  countrymen,  was  not  wanting  in  intelligence.  He 
gave  all  the  information  demanded  of  him  concerning  the 
duke’s  army  : “ Listen  attentively  to  what  I say,”  said  the 
baron  : “ if  the  castle  is  taken,  thou  wilt  be  hanged  by  us 
before  the  first  Burgundian  enters.  If  the  duke’s  men 
take  the  castle,  thou  wilt  be  hanged  by  them,  to  a certainty. 
If  thou  servest  us  faithfully  and  the  duke’s  troops  are 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  the  Lord  of  Roche-Pont  will 
take  thee  into  his  service:  what  is  thy  calling?”  “A 
harness-maker”  “Well  then!  thou  shalt  be  attached  to 
his  stables — shall  he  not,  my  worthy  nephew?”  “Cer- 
tainly ; and  if  he  aids  us  efficiently,  and  if  events  show 
us  that  he  speaks  the  truth,  he  shall  have  two  pounds  of 
silver  on  the  raising  of  the  siege.” 


Fig.  43. — The  Bosson. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE . 


197 


These  last  words  completely  loosened  the  harness- 
maker’s  tongue  ; and  he  told  all  that  he  knew  as  to  the 
number  of  the  engines,  the  arrangements  of  the  besiegers, 
the  posts  they  guarded,  and  the  lowers  of  the  contra- 
vallation  ; after  which  he  was  sent  to  the  servants’  hall, 
where  he  soon  made  friends  with  Anseric’s  dependants. 
Friar  Jerome,  however,  was  ordered  not  to  lose  sight 
of  him. 

It  was  not  before  the  time  when  the  miners  were  to  be 
relieved  (by  another  set)  that  the  Burgundians  discovered 
what  had  happened.  The  vanished  harness-maker  was 
strongly  suspected  of  having  assassinated  his  comrades 
while  at  work  ; they  sought  for  him — to  no  purpose,  of 
course. 

Before  sunrise  the  baron  commenced  a countermine 
at  the  point  indicated  by  the  deserter,  inside  the  bailey 
wall.  “If  thou  mistakest  by  so  much  as  a yard,”  said 
the  baron  to  the  harness- maker,  “ thou  shalt  be  hanged.” 

The  work  was  carried  on  by  both  parties,  and  towards 
the  close  of  the  day  the  miners  and  counterminers  met 
and  attacked  each  other  in  their  close  quarters  with  crow- 
bars and  pickaxes.  The  Burgundians  and  the  Lord  of 
Roche-Pont  each  sent  men  to  seize  the  mines.  A barrel 
of  Greek  fire  dislodged  the  duke’s  men  ; but  the  masonry 
of  the  wall,  whose  mortar  had  not  thoroughly  set,  cracked 
above  the  mine.  Seeing  this,  the  Burgundians  next  night, 
making  use  of  the  rescued  portion  of  the  cat , set  up  a 
kind  of  front-work,  formed  of  pieces  of  timber  ; and  in 
the  morning  brought  a bosson,  or  battering-ram  on  wheels 
(Fig.  43),  w’ith  which  they  set  to  work  to  batter  the  base 
uf  the  wall.  At  each  blow  the  masonry  was  shaken,  and 
stones  fell  down  within  and  without. 

The  besieged  tried  to  break  the  bosson , by  letting  fall 
great  pieces  of  timber  on  it  a head,  and  to  set  fire  to  the 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


timber  ; but  these  had  been  wetted,  covered  with  mud, 
and  filled  round  with  manure  at  the  bottom  : the  parapet 
was  so  well  swept  by  the  duke’s  mangonels  and  by  the 
cross-bow  men  that  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  retain  a 
footing  on  it.  Besides  the  men  upon  this  wall,  shaken 
as  it  was  and  vibrating  at  every  blow  of  the  ram,  lost 
their  self-possession  and  did  not  do  their  best  ; while  the 
bosson  held  out,  especially  as  the  assailants  had  put  large 
pieces  of  timber  in  an  inclined  position  against  the  wall, 
which  caused  the  beams  thrown  by  the  besieged  to 
slide  off. 

At  the  end  of  three  hours  of  continued  effort,  the  wall 
gave  way,  and  a piece  about  twelve  feet  long  fell  on  the 
bosson.  The  Burgundians  immediately  bringing  up  planks 
and  ladders  rushed  to  the  assault  through  the  narrow 
breach.  The  struggle  was  severe,  and  the  garrison  them- 
selves, mounted  on  the  ruins  of  the  wall,  fought  bravely 
and  maintained  their  front  unbroken. 

From  the  parts  of  curtains  that  remained  intact  and 
from  the  towers  the  defenders  showered  darts  and  stones 
on  the  assaulting  column.  The  trebuchets  within  the 
rampart  continued  to  send  stones  which,  passing  over  the 
heads  of  the  defenders  and  assailants  on  the  breach, 
struck  those  who  were  gathered  around  the  remains  of 
the  caty  and  made  wide  lanes  among  them.  By  the  even- 
ing, the  Burgundians  were  masters  of  the  breach  ; but 
seeing  the  interior  rampart  before  them  they  did  not 
venture  to  descend,  but  took  up  a position  on  the  breach, 
protected  by  mantelets  and  fascines. 

The  same  evening  they  set  miners  to  work  between 
the  tower  of  the  north-west  angle  and  its  neighbour; 
reckoning  on  thus  getting  round  the  retrenchment  by 
passing  through  a second  breach.1  They  likewise  took 
1 See  Fig.  36. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE.  199 

possession  of  the  two  rampart  walks  of  the  curtain  in 
which  the  breach  had  been  made  ; but  the  tower  of  the 
gate  and  that  on  the  left  were  still  holding  out  at  eight 
o’clock  in  the  evening. 

An  hour  later,  the  assailants  being  masters  of  the  ram- 
part walk  in  that  quarter,  set  fire  to  the  roofs  of  these 


Fig.  44. 

towers  (Fig.  44),  which  the  defenders  were  forced  to 
abandon. 

In  the  morning,  therefore,  the  gate  was  in  the  power  of 
the  enemy.  The  defenders  still  held  the  rampart  walk 


200 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


to  the  east  and  west  of  the  towers  that  had  been  burned, 
had  raised  barricades,  and  were  determined  to  contest 
he  position  inch  by  inch. 

The  assailants  as  well  as  the  defenders  needed  rest. 
Notwithstanding  their  progress,  the  Burgundians  were 
suffering  considerable  losses,  while  of  the  force  in  the 
castle  there  were  only  a hundred  killed  and  wounded. 
By  a kind  of  tacit  agreement  the  day  following  the  assault 
passed  without  fighting.  The  duke,  alarmed  at  the  losses 
he  had  already  sustained,  determined  not  to  continue  the 
attack  without  taking  every  precaution  ; for  his  men  were 
complaining  that  they  were  always  made  to  fight  unpro- 
tected against  soldiers  carefully  shielded,  and  asserting 
that  even  if  they  got  as  far  as  the  donjon,  there  would 
not  be  a man  left  in  the  duke’s  army  to  enter  it. 

That  day  was  spent  by  the  Burgundians  in  thoroughly 
protecting  their  quarters  on  the  breach,  in  placing  a cata- 
pult, then  in  crenelating  the  back  walls  of  the  towers,  of 
which  they  had  got  possession,  and  in  constructing  a kind 
of  wooden  tower  provided  with  a second  catapult  at  the 
interior  opening  of  the  gateway.  The  defenders,  on  the 
other  hand,  made  a second  retrenchment  from  the  angle  of 
the  building  D of  the  stabling  to  the  western  curtain,  and 
a strong  barricade  from  the  angle  of  the  chapel  choir  E,  to 
the  neighbouring  tower.  Next,  in  front  of  the  main  gate- 
way of  the  castle,  a bretèche , or  outwork  with  palisading 
to  protect  the  men  in  case  of  retreat.  It  was  evident  that 
next  day,  the  6th  of  June,  a decisive  action  would  render 
the  Burgundians  masters  of  the  bailey,  even  if  they  did 
not  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  ; but  the  defenders 
were  resolved  that  they  should  pay  dearly  for  their  suc- 
cess. Anseric,  firmly  resolved  to  resist  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity, and  to  perish  under  the  ruins  of  his  donjon,  con- 
gratulated himself  on  Eleanor’s  absence,  and  regretted 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


2G1 

that  his  children  were  not  with  her.  The  noble  lady  was, 
however,  not  far  off.  The  evening  of  the  day  that  had 
been  entirely  employed  in  preparations  for  attacking  and 
defending  the  bailey,  she  and  her  escort  had  arrived  at 
the  dwelling  of  the  vavassor,  Pierre  Landry,  who  had  im- 
mediately despatched  a trusty  messenger  to  the  castle. 

At  the  base  of  the  donjon  was  pierced  a slanting  aper- 
ture one  foot  six  inches  square,  which,  opening  into  the 
lower  hall,  ended  in  the  rampart  walk  left  between  the 
great  tower  and  its  outer  inclosure.  From  this  rampart 
walk  a subterranean  passage  made  along  the  foundations 
of  the  Roman  wall,  descended  the  slope  of  the  plateau  for 
a length  of  sixty  feet,  and  opened  out  in  an  old  quarry 
overgrown  with  brambles.  Two  strong  iron  gratings  closed 
this  tunnel.  Watchmen  were  posted  night  and  day  in  this 
passage  ; they  were  let  down  and  hoisted  up  through  the 
inclined  shaft  of  the  donjon  by  means  of  a carriage  worked 
by  a windlass. 

By  this  passage  Anseric  had  often  sent  out  and  brought 
in  spies,  who  at  night  made  their  way  furtively  among 
the  Burgundian  posts.  Now  in  the  dead  of  night,  Pierre 
Landry’s  messenger  presented  himself  at  the  entrance  of 
the  subterranean  passage,  gave  the  signal  agreed  upon, 
and  handed  to  the  watchman  a little  box,  saying  that  he 
was  awaiting  the  answer  hidden  in  the  quarry.  The  box 
was  immediately  transmitted  to  Anseric.  Eleanor  in- 
formed him  of  her  return,  and  said  that  she  would  con- 
trive to  re-enter  the  castle  with  her  train  the  following 
night  by  the  donjon  postern.  Anseric  hardly  knew 
whether  to  rejoice  or  grieve  at  this  return.  But  the 
baron  called  his  attention  to  a flower  which  Eleanor  had 
attached  to  the  end  of  the  vellum  on  which  the  letter 
was  written,  and  which  was  a token  of  good  news. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  June  the  Burgundians 


202 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


were  in  no  hurry  to  attack  ; they  contented  themselves 
with  sending  darts  inside  the  retrenchment,  with  their 
catapults  and  quarrels  and  arrows  in  great  numbers  from 
the  top  of  the  abandoned  towers  ; they  were  replied  to 
from  the  top  of  the  church,  the  stabling,  and  the  great 
towers  of  the  castle  gateway.  About  three  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon,  the  miners  engaged  (as  above  mentioned)  at 
the  north-west  curtain,  threw  down  a part  of  it.  The 
duke  had  thus  three  openings  into  the  bailey  ; this  last 
breach,  the  one  effected  two  days  before,  and  the  gate- 
way. Baron  Guy  advised  that  time  and  men  should  not 
be  lost  in  defending  this  second  breach,  since  they  were 
intrenched  behind  ; but,  thanks  to  the  corner  tower,  he 
was  able  to  resist  the  immediate  capture  of  the  rampart 
of  the  curtains  on  that  side.  The  defenders  occupying 
the  tower  Y1  were  thus  cut  off.  Anseric  sent  them  a 
note  by  means  of  an  arrow,  urging  them  to  hold  out  as 
long  as  possible.  Fortunately  this  tower  had  no  doors 
opening  on  the  bailey,  and  no  perceptible  communication 
except  with  the  ramparts.  Now  those  adjacent  to  this 
tower  still  remained  in  the  power  of  the  occupants  of 
the  castle  ; as  the  Burgundians  only  possessed  the  de- 
fences of  the  middle  part  of  the  front.  About  five  o’clock 
the  signal  for  the  assault  was  given.  Three  columns 
entered  in  good  order  by  the  two  breaches  and  the  gate- 
way, and  rushed,  protected  by  their  shields  and  bucklers, 
against  the  palisading,  resolutely  throwing  themselves  into 
the  little  ditch,  in  spite  of  the  missiles  which  the  defenders, 
who  still  possessed  the  tower  Y and  its  curtains,  hurled 
upon  them  from  behind. 

An  egress  had  been  left  in  the  strong  barricade  which 
connected  the  angle  of  the  chapel  choir  with  the  adjacent 
tower. 


J See  Fig.  36. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


203 


Anseric  and  a party  of  his  best  men  issued  by  this 
outlet  and  fell  upon  the  flank  of  the  attack,  which  fell 
back  in  disorder. 

Then  other  egresses  well  masked  were  opened  on  the 
front  of  the  retrenchment,  and  the  defenders  resumed  the 
offensive.  They  very  nearly  regained  possession  of  these 
breaches  and  of  the  gateway  ; but  the  duke,  on  seeing 
his  force  in  disorder,  brought  up  his  reserves,  and  the 
three  bodies  of  assailants,  four  times  more  numerous  than 
the  defenders,  obliged  the  latter  to  retire  again  behind 
their  retrenchments.  Then  about  seven  o’clock  in  the 
evening — for  the  combat  was  prolonged  without  decisive 
success  on  either  side,  and  the  days  are  long  at  this 
period  of  the  year — the  two  catapults  discharged  a quan- 
tity of  darts  furnished  with  burning  tow  on  the  roof  of 
the  stabling  and  of  the  chapel.  The  men  of  the  castle 
exclusively  occupied  with  the  defence  of  the  retrench- 
ment, had  no  time  to  think  of  extinguishing  the  fire,  more 
especially  as  the  crossbowmen  stationed  on  the  defences 
of  the  bailey,  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Burgundians,  struck 
every  defender  showing  himself  on  these  buildings.  The 
fire,  therefore,  soon  gained  the  roofs.  During  the  attack 
on  the  retrenchment,  the  duke  resolved  to  get  rid  of  the 
defenders  remaining  in  his  rear  in  the  tower  Y,  and  who 
annoyed  the  assailants.  He  called  to  them  by  a herald, 
that  they  could  no  longer  hope  for  relief,  that  if  they  did 
not  instantly  surrender  they  should  all  be  put  to  the 
sword.  These  brave  men  sent,  as  their  only  reply  to  the 
herald,  a crossbow  bolt,  which  wounded  him.  Then  the 
duke,  much  irritated,  ordered  straw  and  faggots  to  be 
collected  within  the  bailey  and  in  the  outside  ditch,  and 
all  the  wood  they  might  have  at  hand,  and  set  fire  to, 
in  order  to  smoke  out  the  rebels.  Very  soon,  in  fact, 
the  tower  was  licked  by  curls  of  flame,  and  communicated 


204 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


the  fire  to  the  hoarding  and  roof.  Not  one  man  cried 
“ quarter  ! ” for  all  seeing  the  fire  gaining  them,  and 
blinded  by  the  smoke,  had  retreated  by  a subterranean 
passage  which  from  this  tower  communicated  with  the 
gateway  of  the  castle — it  was  a Roman  work  preserved 
beneath  the  ancient  curtain.1  In  withdrawing,  they  had 
stopped  up  the  outlet  of  this  passage,  which,  moreover, 
was  soon  filled  up  by  the  smoking  débids  of  the  tower 
floors.  The  duke  was  persuaded  that  they  had  perished 
in  the  flames  rather  than  surrender,  and  that  set  him 
gravely  thinking. 

To  the  last  glimmering  of  daylight  succeeded,  for  the 
combatants,  the  illumination  of  these  three  fires. 

It  seemed  as  if  the  heavens  were  bent  on  adding  to 
the  horror  of  the  scene.  The  day  had  been  fiercely  hot  ; 
a storm  soon  arose  accompanied  by  gusts  of  wind  from 
the  south-west,  which  blew  down  the  smoke  and  strewed 
burning  brands  over  the  combatants. 

At  one  time  Anseric  began  to  resume  the  offensive 
with  his  best  soldiers  by  the  barricade  of  the  chapel  ; 
then  transporting  himself  to  the  opposite  palisade,  he 
debouched  along  the  western  rampart  upon  the  assailants, 
who  on  this  side  tried  to  get  round  the  stable  building. 
The  direction  of  the  wind  was  most  unfavourable  to  the 
Burgundians  ; they  received  full  in  their  faces  both  the 
smoke  and  the  sparks  from  the  western  building.  The 
attack  languished,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  duke  to 
obtain  a decided  advantage,  and  to  bring  his  united  force 
to  bear  on  one  point.  A pouring  rain  and  fatigue  stopped 
the  combatants  about  nine  o’clock  in  the  evening. 

They  almost  touched  one  another,  being  only  separated 
by  the  retrenchment.  The  rain  fell  so  heavily  that,  in 
every  direction,  assailants  and  defenders  sought  shelter, 
1 See  Fig.  36. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


205 

until  there  remained  none  but  the  watchmen  within  and 
without  the  palisading. 

At  nightfall,  Eleanor  and  her  escort,  habited  as  Bur- 
gundian soldiers,  departed  on  horseback  from  the  house 
of  the  vavassor,  Pierre  Landry,  and  under  his  guidance. 
They  ascended  the  valley  in  silence,  and  saw  before  them 
the  outline  of  the  castle  in  dark  relief  before  the  sky,  lit 
up  by  the  fires.  With  hearts  full  of  anxiety,  none  dared 
to  express  their  fears  ....  What  was  burning  ? Was 
the  enemy  already  within  the  bailey  ? Had  he  succeeded 
in  setting-  fire  to  the  northern  defences  of  the  castle  ? 
Having  got  to  within  two  bow-shots  of  the  wooden  tower, 
erected  by  the  duke,  at  the  junction  of  the  river  with  the 
stream,  they  kept  along  the  latter,  forded  it  below  the 
mill,  left  their  horses  there  under  the  care  of  the  vavassor’s 
men,  and  ascended  a-foot  the  slope  of  the  plateau  in  the 
direction  of  the  quarry.  But  at  some  distance  from  the 
opening,  Pierre  Landry,  who  was  walking  in  front,  per- 
ceived through  the  rain  some  men  occupying  the  point 
of  the  plateau  beneath  the  outer  wall  of  the  donjon.  The 
duke  had  in  fact  sent  some  parties  to  watch  the  environs 
of  the  castle  during  the  combat,  and  especially  the  base  of 
the  donjon,  supposing,  with  reason,  that  this  defence  pos- 
sessed a postern,  as  was  usual,  and  fearing,  that  if  the 
assault  turned  in  his  favour,  the  garrison,  in  despair  of 
maintaining  the  defence  any  longer,  after  the  taking  of 
the  bailey,  might  attempt  to  escape  by  some  secret  outlets. 

Pierre  Landry  turned  back  towards  Eleanor’s  escort  and 
communicated  to  it  this  disagreeable  discovery.  To  enter 
the  quarry  was  not  to  be  thought  of.  What  was  to  be 
done  ? . . . . 

The  vavassor  concealed  Eleanor,  her  two  women,  the 
three  monks,  and  the  twelve  men-at-arms,  as  well  as  their 
captain,  in  the  best  way  he  could,  and  made  his  way 


206 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS , 


along  the  escarpment  by  creeping  through  the  underwood. 
Flashes  of  distant  lightning  enabled  him  from  time  to 
time  to  make  out  the  eastern  walls  of  the  castle.  No 
troop  appeared  on  that  side  ; he  advanced  therefore 
gradually  as  far  as  the  foot  of  the  rampart. 

After  the  combat,  Anseric,  full  of  anxiety,  and  without 
stopping  to  change  his  martial  accoutrements,  covered 
with  mud  and  blood,  had  hastened  towards  the  postern  of 
the  donjon.  There  he  had  learned  from  his  watchmen 
that  the  environs  of  the  outer  wall  were  occupied  by 
the  Burgundians  about  bow-shot  distant,  that  they  were 
numerous,  well  shielded,  and  communicated  with  another 
post  established  beneath  the  western  rampart,  and  with 
a third  on  the  eastern  side. 

Anseric  felt  a cold  sweat  cover  his  face  ; but  he  said 
to  himself  that  the  vavassor  was  cautious,  and  certainly 
would  not  come  and  throw  himself  blindly  into  the  snare. 
He  thought  for  the  moment  of  sallying  with  his  bravest 
men  by  the  postern  to  fall  on  the  troop  ; but  to  what 
purpose  ? The  latter  would  quickly  be  supported,  the 
post  of  the  wooden  tower  would  take  to  their  arms,  and 
all  chance  of  getting  Eleanor  and  her  party  in  would  be 
compromised.  It  would  be  better  to  send  away  his  wife 
and  to  await  events  ....  But  how  communicate  with 
her  ? It  was  impossible  to  send  her  a message.  He  then 
remounted  the  steps  of  the  postern  in  anxious  thought. 
The  baron  came  that  way,  and  Anseric  related  every- 
thing to  him. 

“ Nothing  is  lost,  dear  nephew  ; we  will  get  Eleanor  in, 
for  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  know  from  herself  the 
result  of  her  mission  ; that  must  influence,  one  way  or  the 

other,  the  sequel  of  our  defence Leave  me  to  act. 

. . . . Brother  Jerome  is  an  intelligent  fellow;  we  will 
consult  together 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


207 


“ In  the  meanwhile,  go  and  watch  without  from  the  top 
of  the  eastern  ramparts  ; for,  whether  Pierre  Landry  comes 
alone  or  with  our  party,  it  can  only  be  by  that  side,  since 
he  cannot  cross  the  river  whose  bridges  are  guarded.  He 
must  have  crossed  the  rivulet  in  order  to  get  to  the  outlet 
of  the  postern.  Go,  look  and  listen  attentively!”  .... 
Anseric,  ascending  the  eastern  defences,  enjoined  on  his 
men  the  greatest  silence,  and  put  his  ear  to  the  listen- 
ing places — first  in  one  tower  then  in  the  next  ; but  he 
only  heard  the  dripping  of  the  rain  on  the  roofs,  and  the 
sighing  of  the  wind.  In  a little  while  the  baron  and 
brother  Jerome,  provided  with  a long  rope,  came  to  seek 
him.  “ Make  yourself  easy,  dear  nephew  ; Brother  Jerome 

is  first  going  to  reconnoitre But  call  four  men  to 

help  us.” 

A board  was  fastened  transversely  to  one  end  of  the 
cord  ; this  end  was  thrown  over  the  outside  through  one 
of  the  embrasures,  while  the  cord  was  held  by  the  four 
men.  Brother  Jerome,  with  his  grey  dress  tucked  up,  a 
large  knife  at  his  belt,  put  his  feet  on  the  board,  grasped 
the  cord  with  both  hands,  and  he  was  gently  let  down. 
When  the  rope  was  slack,  the  brother  was  at  the  foot 
of  the  rampart,  and  they  waited. 

At  the  end  of  half-an-hour,  which  seemed  an  age  to 
Anseric,  a slight  movement  given  to  the  cord  intimated 
that  brother  Jerome  was  returning.  The  cord  tightened, 
and  the  four  men  had  soon  hoisted  the  brother  up  to  the 
merlons.  “ Well  ? ” said  Anseric.  “ The  vavassor  is  there  ; 
I was  very  nearly  killing  him,  taking  him  for  a Burgun- 
dian, for  he  has  the  dress  of  one  ; it  was  he  who  recog- 
nised me  and  called  me  by  my  name.”  “Well!  well! 
Eleanor?” — “All  are  there  concealed,  for  the  Burgundians 
are  not  far  off  ; in  this  diabolical  weather  they  are  earthed 
like  rabbits  ; no  time  must  be  lost.  Let  down  a barquette 


2oS 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


at  the  end  of  the  cord  ; we  will  hoist  up  the  Lady 
Eleanor,  and  the  others  afterwards,  if  the  Burgundians 
let  us.” 

The  barquette  was  quickly  brought,  and  firmly  attached 
to  the  cord,  then  let  down  ; a shake  of  the  rope  intimated 
that  Pierre  Landry  was  below  ; soon  after,  a second  shake 
intimated  that  the  barquette  was  loaded.  They  hoisted, 
and  dame  Eleanor  very  soon  showed  her  face  at  the  battle- 
ment ; all  hands  lifted  her  to  the  arms  of  her  husband. 
The  two  women,  the  captain,  the  eleven  men-at-arms,  and 
the  three  monks  were  thus  hoisted,  without  mishap,  but 
were  wetted  to  the  skin. 

In  spite  of  the  loss  of  the  bailey,  and  the  death  of  a 
good  number  on  their  side,  Anseric’s  men  were  full  of  joy 
when  at  dawn  the  defenders  were  told  that  an  army  of 
the  King  of  France  was  coming  to  their  relief,  and  that 
it  was  only  a question  of  continuing  the  defence  a few 
days  longer. 

Eleanor’s  mission  had  perfectly  succeeded.  The  king, 
Philip  Augustus,  who  appeared  to  hesitate  at  first,  had 
quickly  determined  when  the  messenger  Jean  Otté  came 
to  tell  Eleanor  of  the  burning  of  the  abbey.  The  king 
had  desired  to  see  this  messenger,  and  the  latter,  who 
knew  whom  he  had  to  deal  with,  had  recounted  how  the 
duke’s  men,  without  warning,  without  any  provocation,  had 
taken  possession  of  the  monastery,  had  set  it  on  fire,  had 
massacred  some  of  the  monks,  and  driven  out  those  who 
remained.  Soon  after,  a letter  from  the  abbot  of  Cluny 
came  to  confirm  the  fact,  imploring  the  justice  of  the 
king. 

Eleanor,  as  a woman  who  knew  what  she  was  about,  had 
not  failed  to  make  known  to  the  suzerain  that  the  dearest 
wish  of  her  husband  and  herself  for  a long  while  had  been 
to  put  the  fief  of  La  Roche-Pont  into  the  hands  of  the 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE . 


209 


king  : that  they  should  not,  however,  have  declined  the 
homage  rendered  to  the  duke  for  the  fief,  if  that  noble 
had  not,  by  his  violence  and  the  plundering  of  his  men, 
provoked  this  decision  on  their  part  ; that  far  from  being 
the  protector  of  his  vassals,  the  said  duke  was  bent  upon 
ruining  them  : and  that  if  he  (the  king  of  France)  pre- 
sented himself  on  the  domain  of  Roche* -Pont,  he  would  be 
received  there  as  the  sole  and  puissant  justiciary,  alone 
worthy  to  govern. 

The  opportunity  was  too  tempting  for  Philip  Augustus 
not  to  be  eager  to  avail  himself  of  it.  To  lessen  the  power 
of  a great  vassal  under  so  plausible  a pretext,  and  with  the 
rights  of  the  case  in  his  favour,  accorded  too-completely 
with  his  general  policy  to  allow  him  to  display  less  than 
the  full  measure  of  that  vigour  and  firmness  for  which  he 
was  so  distinguished.  Eleanor  quitted  the  court  with  the 
assurance  that,  a few  days  after  her  return  to  Roche-Pont, 
the  royal  army  would  confront  the  forces  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy. 

The  grand  point,  therefore,  was  to  sustain  the  enemy’s 
attacks  with  firmness.  The  defenders  numbered  no  more 
than  a thousand  men  capable  of  offering  an  effective  re- 
sistance ; but  the  perimeter  of  the  defence  was  sensibly 
diminished,  for  it  was  impossible  to  recover  the  inclosure 
of  the  bailey.  They  must  limit  themselves  to  the  castle 
walls,  arresting  the  progress  of  the  Burgundians  as  far  as 
possible.  The  baron  made  no  great  account  of  the  re- 
trenchment raised  between  the  stables  and  the  chapel  ; 
but  he  considered  it  of  the  greatest  importance  to  pre- 
serve the  west  part  of  the  bailey  as  long  as  possible,  for 
the  north  flank  of  the  castle  gate  evidently  presented  a 
weak  point,  although  it  was  defended  by  three  towers. 
The  baron,  convinced  that  the  duke  was  not  sparing  of 
the  lives  of  his  men,  had  no  doubt  that  by  sacrificing  a 


210 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


thousand  soldiers,  this  front  might  be  broken  into  in 
forty-eight  hours  ; the  works  designed  to  bear  upon  this 
point  must  therefore  be  interrupted  at  all  risks.  The 
building,  D,1  of  the  stabling  had  been  burned  ; but  fortu- 
nately the  lateral  wall  of  the  building  looking  eastward 
was  part  of  the  Roman  curtain,  of  thick  and  solid  con- 
struction. Between  this  buildinp-  and  the  castle  ditch  the 

o 

enemy  could  not  pass.  He  could  only  attack  by  the 
breach  made  on  the  side  of  the  tower,  Y,  or  by  the  in- 
terval left  between  this  tower  and  the  building,  D,  that 
had  been  burned.  The  tower,  V,  of  the  western  angle  had 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  defenders.  It  was  wide  and 
solidly  built,  resting  on  the  Roman  substruction,  and 
covered  by  a platform  on  vaulting.  Towards  daybreak 
the  baron  had  caused  two  trebuchets  remaining  within 
the  palisade  to  be  dismounted  with  all  speed.  Their 
timbers  were  carried  into  the, court  of  the  castle,  for,  as 
he  foresaw  that  the  palisaded  retrenchment»  would  not 
hold  out  long,  he  did  not  wish  these  engines  to  be 
taken  possession  of  by  the  Burgundians.  A strong  cata- 
pult had  been  reserved  in  the  western  corner  tower  V. 
The  baron  had  it  mounted  on  the  platform  by  daylight, 
not  without  difficulty.2  But  that  a clear  idea  may  be 
formed  of  what  follows,  we  must  give  a plan  indicating 
the  position  of  the  enemy,  and  the  state  of  the  defences 
(Fig.  45).3 

1 See  Fig.  36. 

2 See  the  general  bird’s-eye  view,  Fig.  37. 

3 The  parts  of  the  castle  marked  red  are  those  taken  by  the  Burgundians  ; 
those  marked  black  are  still  retained  by  the  defenders.  At  a is  marked  the 
breach  in  the  barbican;  at  b the  filling  up  of  the  fosse  and  the  first  breach 
made  in  the  curtain;  at  c the  second  breach.  At  00  are  seen  the  Burgundian 
posts  established  on  the  night  of  the  6th  and  7th  of  June  ; at  x the  outline  of 
the  subterranean  passage  of  the  refuge  postern  of  the  donjon  ; at  z the  quarry  ; 
at  p the  route  traversed  by  Pierre  Landry  and  Eleanor’s  escort  ; at  R their 
place  of  concealment,  and  at  s the  point  where  they  were  got  into  the  castle  by 
means  of  a rope. 


FIC.  45. 


THE  TAKING  OF  THE  BAILEY. 


COOPS*  4 HOD  sort, 


$r*ANO. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE . 


21 1 


On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  June  the  defenders  were 
still  in  possession  of  the  retrenchment  C,  of  that  marked 
A A,  and  of  the  barricade  B ; at  Ha  strong  palisade,  with  a 
brelèclie,  had  been  erected  before  the  entrance  at  the  very 
commencement  of  the  siege.  At  d'  another  palisade  arose 
in  front  of  the  ditch  ; at  E was  a second  retrenchment,  be- 
fore the  postern  entrance  ; and  at  G a strong  barricade.  The 
building,  F,  part  of  the  old  Roman  construction,  crenelated 
at  the  top,  might  hold  out  for  some  time.  The  towers, 
V,  M,  7 n,  m\  and  v'  were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  defenders, 
and  could  take  the  assailants  in  the  rear,  should  they 
attempt  to  enter  the  chapel,  I,  and  the  stables,  I),  that  had 
been  burned. 

Anseric  and  his  uncle  came  to  the  determination  to 
abandon  the  retrenchment,  A A.  To  defend  it  was  only 
to  lose  men,  since  the  enemy  could  not  venture  into  the 
return  formed  by  the  two  towers  of  the  gate  and  the  build- 
ing F.  It  was  preferable  to  direct  all  their  efforts  to  C,  for 
this  was  evidently  the  point  of  attack. 

About  five  o’clock  in  the  morning,  therefore,  the 
retrenchment,  A A,  was  abandoned  ; and  in  fact  the 
Burgundians  contented  themselves  with  making  gaps  in 
it  without  advancing  further.  In  the  early  morning 
the  duke  had  directed  a quantity  of  burning  darts  on  the 
roof  of  the  tower,  M ; but  the  catapult  planted  by  the 
defenders  on  that  of  the  angle,  V,  greatly  annoyed 
the  assailants  grouped  outside,  who  were  preparing  to 
make  a vigorous  attack  through  the  breach  C. 

It  was  about  noon  that  the  duke  gave  orders  for  a simul- 
taneous attack  on  two  points  ; the  roof  of  the  tower,  M, 
was  already  on  fire.  The  first  attack  was  vigorously 
directed  to  the  retrenchment  C.  The  second  made  a gap 
in  the  crenelated  walls  of  the  chapel,  the  intention  being  to 
get  possession  of  the  palisade  E.  At  the  same  time,  two 

P 2 


212  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

catapults  planted  outside  were  showering  burning  darts 
upon  the  roofs  of  the  towers  my  n and  V,  while  a trebuchet 
was  destroying  the  hoarding  and  battlements  with  volleys 
of  stones. 

The  defenders  posted  on  the  summit  of  the  tower,  V,  by 
discharging  stones  and  quarrels  on  the  flanks  of  the  assail- 
ants, who  were  impetuously  assaulting  the  retrenchment,  C, 
did  them  much  damage,  their  bucklers  not  availing  to  pro- 
tect them  in  front  and  flank  ; and  from  the  narrow  front 
of  the  castle,  skilful  archers  discharged  arrows  in  abund- 
ance over  the  heads  of  their  own  party  on  the  assailants 
who  presented  themselves  at  the  breach,  c ; for  they  were 
within  bowshot. 


Fig.  46. 


Seeing  they  could  make  no  impression,  the  duke  with- 
drew his  men,  and  had  mantelets  brought  forward  and 
placed  perpendicularly  to  the  wall,  and  fronting  the  tower 
in  the  angle,  and  then  a small  bosson  on  wheels — its  head 
strongly  armed  with  a solid  iron  point.  The  wheels  of 
this  bosson  were  screened  (Fig.  46),  to  shelter  those  en- 
gaged in  working  it.  Twenty  men  under  shelter,  with 
heavy  crowbars,  were  awaiting  the  effect  of  the  bosson. 
The  fourth  time  it  eno  untered  the  palisade  a dozen 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE . 


213 


stakes  were  greatly  shaken,  and  the  cross-rails  broken 
Then  the  pioneers,  armed  with  crowbars,  set  about 
bringing  down  the  shaken  stakes,  or  at  least  turning 
them  aside.  The  assaulting  column  threw  itself  upon 
the  openings.  There  was  a hand-to-hand  fight,  and  so 
densely  were  they  pressed  together,  that  the  men  posted 
in  the  tower  at  the  corner  dared  not  shoot  for  fear  of 
wounding  their  comrades. 

On  the  opposite  side  the  Burgundians  had  succeeded 
in  making  a wide  gap  in  the  wall  south  of  the  chapel  ; 
and  screened  by  its  ruins,  they  attacked  the  angle  of  the 
retrenchment  E.1  From  the  east  curtain,  however,  the 
garrison  discharged  stones  and  arrows  on  their  rear  ; and 
this  assault  was  but  feeble,  as  the  duke  was  entirely 
occupied  with  directing  the  others. 

Anseric  defended  this  point  by  the  desire  of  the  baron, 
who  had  urged  him  to  resume  the  offensive,  supported 
by  the  building  however  difficult  the  undertaking 
might  be. 

One  of  the  men  posted  at  the  defences  of  the  gate 
hurried  down,  and,  passing  the  postern,  came  and  told 
him  that  the  retrenchment,  C,  was  forced  and  his  people 
in  great  danger  at  this  point.  Anseric,  therefore,  taking 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men  whom  he  had  with  him,  issued 
from  the  retrenchment  by  its  eastern  extremity,  rushed 
furiously  on  the  assailants,  threw  them  into  disorder,  and 
leaving  forty  brave  soldiers  to  defend  the  gap  in  the 
chapel,  and  the  barricade,  B,  that  had  remained  almost 
intact,  traversed  the  area  of  the  bailey  in  an  oblique 
direction,  crossed  the  retrenchment,  A,  which  was  partly 
destroyed,  and  fell  on  the  left  flank  of  the  assailants,  utter- 
ing the  war-cry:  “ Roche-Pont  ! Roche-Pont  ! ” . . . The 
Burgundians,  surprised  by  this  unforeseen  attack  and  not 
1 See  Fig.  45. 


214 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


knowing  whence  these  soldiers  came,  abandoned  the  re- 
trenchment, the  bosson,  and  even  the  breach,  c. 

The  baron’s  troops,  seeing  this,  plucked  up  courage,  and 
killing  all  that  had  remained  within  the  bailey,  occupied 
the  breach,  cy  once  more,  while  Anseric  was  occupying 
the  barricade,  C.  The  bosson  was  destroyed  with 
hatchets,  and  the  mantelets  left  by  the  enemy  were  put 
in  readiness  for  repairing  the  broken-down  palisades. 

The  duke  was  furious,  and  had  broken  his  sword  on 
the  backs  of  the  runaways.  But  no  further  attempt  could 
be  made  that  day,  and  the  advantages  he  had  gained 
with  so  much  trouble  were  jeopardized.  The  defenders 
were  seen  barricading  the  breaches,  and  he  could  hear  the 
cries  of  the  unfortunate  men  who  had  remained  in  the 
bailey,  and  were  being  pitilessly  massacred. 

The  Burgundians  had  lost  more  than  two  thousand 
men  since  the  commencement  of  the  siege  ; and  on  the 
7th  of  June  the  duke’s  army  amounted  to  no  more  than 
four  thousand  five  hundred  or  five  thousand  men  at  most. 
The  besieged  were  reduced  to  about  a thousand  ; but 
they  were  full  of  hope,  and  assured  of  success,  while  the 
besiegers  were  losing  confidence.  Their  advantages  had 
been  gained  only  by  enormous  sacrifices,  and  this  last 
affair  threatened  altogether  to  “ demoralize”  them. 

The  duke  had  reckoned  on  taking  the  place  in  a month 
at  most  ; and  now  at  the  end  of  thirty-two  days  he  found 
that  he  had  lost  the  third  of  his  army  without  being 
much  more  advanced  than  the  second  day  after  his  arrival. 
Order  and  method  had  been  wanting  in  the  various  phases 
of  the  siege  ; this  he  could  see  when  it  was  rather  too 
late.  If,  instead  of  pursuing  their  advantages  in  the 
centre  of  the  front  of  the  bailey,  the  besiegers  had  con- 
sented themselves  with  taking  the  barbican,  so  as  to  hinder 
any  sortie  from  that  side,  and  if  with  good  earthworks 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


215 


they  had  advanced  under  cover  against  the  western  end 
of  this  front  towards  t lie  tower,  M,1  directing  all  their 
efforts  to  this  point  and  raising  a movable  tower,  they 
would  be  in  possession  of  the  western  court,  would  de- 
stroy in  succession  the  works  on  their  right,  would  be 
able  to  protect  themselves  against  offensive  re-action  on 
their  left,  and  would  attack  the  castle  on  its  weak  side  ; 
that  is,  between  the  gate  towers  and  that  marked  Q. 
Thus  they  might  take  in  the  rear  all  the  eastern  defences, 
moving  along  the  western  curtain  by  successive  breaches. 

The  duke,  it  is  true,  was  not  acquainted  with  the  place, 
and  believed  that  in  making  a wide  breach  in  its  centre 
he  was  striking  at  its  heart. 

These  reflections  occurred  to  him  too  late  ; he  could 
not  draw  back,  and  it  was  necessary  to  act  with  decision. 
Assembling  his  chief  captains,  therefore,  in  the  evening, 
he  announced  that  a decisive  effort  must  be  made  ; 
representing  it  as  evident — in  spite  of  the  check  just  ex- 
perienced— that  if  they  could  gain  a permanent  footing 
in  the  western  court  of  the  bailey,  they  could  soon  break 
into  the  castle  on  the  flank  of  the  gateway  defence,  and 
this  flank  once  seized  the  castle  would  be  theirs.  The 
soldiers,  rather  ashamed  of  the  panic  that  had  lost  them 
the  advantages  they  had  acquired,  cast  the  blame  of  the 
failure  upon  each  other  ; and  those  who  had  been  the  first 
to  run  away  were  bent  upon  vindicating  their  bravery. 
So  that  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  June,  the 
order  was  given  for  attacking  the  lost  breach,  c,  and  every 
preparation  had  been  made  for  protecting  their  position 
within  the  bailey,  the  Burgundians  were  eager  to  advance. 

A vigorous  return  to  the  charge  was  expected  by  the 
garrison,  and  the  baron  concluded  that  the  breach,  cf  would 
be  attacked.  Part  of  the  night,  therefore,  had  been 
1 Ste  Fig.  45- 


2i6 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


occupied  in  strongly  barricading  this  breach.  Two  Bur- 
gundian catapults  and  a trebuchet  covered  the  breach  with 
darts  and  stones,  so  that  the  defenders  had  to  shelter 
themselves  to  the  right  and  left  behind  the  remains  of 
the  curtains  ; and  about  ten  o’clock  the  barricade  was  de- 
stroyed and  only  a heap  of  rubbish  remained.  The  pali- 
sade of  the  retrenchment  in  the  rear  was  also  damaged, 
and  the  projectiles  that  were  showered  upon  this  point 
precluded  the  defenders  from  repairing  it.  Then  the  first 
attacking  column  advanced,  passed  through  the  breach, 
and  reached  the  palisades.  Anseric,  posted  behind  the 
building,  D (belonging  to  the  stables),  was  on  the  point 
of  taking  this  column  in  flank,  as  on  the  previous  day,  but 
a second  troop  rushed  through  the  breach,  and  the  Lord 
of  Roche- Pont  was  all  but  taken.  With  great  difficulty 
he  and  his  men  retreated  to  the  outwork  of  the  gate,  and 
brought  aid  to  the  defenders  of  the  western  court.  The 
surging  host  of  the  Burgundians  was  continually  in- 
creasing, the  palisade  was  taken,  and  the  second  palisade, 
D , was  the  scene  of  a desperate  struggle  between  assailants 
and  defenders.  The  garrison  could  not  bring  their  forces 
to  bear  on  this  point,  and  Anseric  feared  they  might  be 
cut  off,  and  not  be  able  to  retire  into  the  outwork  of  the 
gate,  H ; he  therefore  ordered  a retreat  in  the  evening, 
while  from  the  three  towers  and  the  curtain  of  the  castle, 
quarrels  and  arrows  were  showered  on  the  assailants 
confined  in  the  court. 

The  tower,  V,  which  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
besieged,  took  the  Burgundians  in  the  rear  ; and  the  latter 
employed  all  the  rest  of  the  day  in  securing  themselves 
in  front  and  in  flank,  while  the  duke  had  the  tower,  M, 
undermined. 

The  door  of  the  tower,  V,  opening  into  the  bailey,  had 
been  broken  in  ; but  the  stairs  were  so  well  barricaded 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


217 


with  stones  and  débris  that  it  was  impossible  to  clear  it  ; 
and  even  should  this  be  done  the  assailants  would  be 
easily  overpowered  by  the  defenders. 

A wooden  bridge  connected  the  curtain  of  the  bailey  on 
this  side  with  the  corner  tower  of  the  castle.  By  means  of 
a catapult  the  Burgundians  succeeded  in  throwing  com- 
bustibles on  it,  which  obliged  the  defenders  to  abandon 
the  tower,  V,  in  haste.  They  were  seen  re-entering  the 
castle  just  when  the  flames  were  beginning  to  consume 
the  bridge.  The  roof  of  the  towrer,  Q,  was  all  but  set  on 
fire  ; and  the  defenders  had  great  difficulty  in  arresting 
the  progress  of  the  flames. 

If  Anseric  had  had  five  hundred  more  men  he  might 
from  the  central  court  have  resumed  the  offensive  at  the 
moment  when  the  Burgundians  were  trying  to  gain  a 
lodgment  in  the  western  court.  But  he  had  lost  a hun- 
dred men  in  the  last  engagement,  and  had  no  more  sol- 
diers than  were  absolutely  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the 
castle.  In  the  evening  the  central  part  of  the  bailey  was 
occupied  by  the  Burgundians,  who  took  up  their  quarters 
there,  and  intrenched  themselves  securely  this  time. 

Next  morning,  the  9th  of  June,  the  tower,  M,  being 
undermined,  fell,  and  the  breach,  c,  was  proportionately 
widened.  The  ditch  was  filled  up,  and  the  tower,  V,  occu- 
pied by  the  Burgundians.  The  defenders,  before  they 
abandoned  it,  had  set  fire  to  the  catapult  mounted  on 
the  platform. 

The  crown  of  the  tower,  Q,  in  the  corner  of  the  castle, 
rose  more  than  twenty  feet  above  the  curtain,  and  thus 
hindered  the  Burgundians  from  moving  at  will  on  the 
rampart-walk  of  this  curtain,  which  was  not  furnished 
with  covered  hoarding. 

The  whole  of  the  10th  of  June  was  employed  by  the 
Burgundians  in  completing  their  works  in  the  western 


2f8 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


court  of  the  bailey,  clearing  the  breach,  c , and  working 
at  a wooden  movable  tower,  designed  to  attack  and 
command  the  rampart  between  the  gate  and  the  corner 
tower,  Q,  of  the  castle  ; for  this  rampart,  raised  on  the 
rock,  could  not  be  undermined.  The  duke,  aware  by  this 
time  of  the  strength  of  the  place,  and  supposing  the  de- 
fenders to  be  more  numerous  than  they  really  were,  was 
unwilling  henceforth  to  run  any  hazards.  As  far  as  was 
possible  he  manned  the  tops  of  the  ramparts  of  that 
part  of  the  bailey  which  was  in  his  possession,  succeeded 
in  setting  fire  to  the  roofs  and  floors  of  the  towers  m and 
m'y  and  commenced  a mining  attack  on  the  tower  vf.  It 
was  no  longer  the  interest  of  the  defenders  to  guard  these 
works,  which  weakened  them  to  no  purpose.  They  there- 
fore evacuated  them,  threw  down  the  bridge  uniting  the 
eastern  rampart  of  the  bailey  with  the  corner  tower,  and 
retired  permanently  within  the  castle.  Meantime  the  Bur- 
gundians were  working  at  their  movable  tower  outside 
the  old  palisade,  C,  that  had  been  destroyed,  and  covered 
the  outside  with  fresh  hides  to  preserve  it  from  the  Greek 
fire.  They  filled  up  the  ditch  in  front  of  the  tower  pyl 
not  without  difficulty  protecting  themselves  with  fascines 
and  mantelets. 

On  the  20th  of  June  the  tower  was  completed,  and  the 
road  for  it  constructed  of  strong  planks  firmly  fastened 
as  far  as  the  filling  up  of  the  ditch.  For  the  few  last 
days  the  enemy  had  been  incessantly  working  the  cata- 
pults and  two  trebuchets  against  the  crest  of  the  defences 
of  the  castle  between  the  gate  and  the  tower,  Q,  and  had 
tried  to  set  fire  to  the  hoarding  and  roofs;  but  these 
ramparts  were  higher  than  those  of  the  bailey,  and  the 
baron  had  covered  all  the  timbers  with  hides  and  blankets 
always  kept  wet,  so  that  the  flaming  darts  of  the  Bur- 
1 See  Fig.  45. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


219 


gundians  were  ineffectual  against  them.  The  roofs,  too, 
were  carefully  watched.  The  hoarding,  however,  »vas 
almost  entirely  destroyed  by  the  projectiles,  and  its 
débris  had  been  removed  by  the  garrison,  as  only  em- 
barrassing the  defence.  The  whole  of  the  cruwn  of  the 
tower,  P,  was  greatly  damaged,  especially  as  it  did  not 
rise  above  the  crest  of  the  curtain.  Seeing  the  enemy’s 
preparations,  the  baron  mounted  a strong  mantelet  of  thick 
wood  and  a catapult  on  the  platform  of  this  tower,  P,  which 
had  no  roof.  Then,  to  meet  every  contingency,  he  had 
a strong  retrenchment  made  from  the  angle,  /,  to  the 
opposite  tower,  behind  the  tower,  Q. 

In  the  evening  of  this  day,  the  20th  of  June,  the 
wooden  tower  began  to  be  moved,  borne  along  on  huge 
rollers.  As  soon  as  it  was  about  thirty  yards  from  the 
rampart,  the  baron  had  the  catapult  directed  upon  it,  and 
sent  against  it  cases  of  Greek  fire  fixed  near  the  iron 
points  of  the  darts.  The  fresh  hides  protected  it  well, 
and  the  points  did  not  stick  in  the  wood  ; so  the  fire 
fell  on  the  ground,  and  the  Burgundians,  under  cover  of 
the  base-work  of  the  tower,  flung  off  the  flaming  cases 
by  means  of  forks.  This  gave  them  plenty  to  do,  and 
the  tower  advanced  but  slowly,  while  the  further  it  pro- 
ceeded the  greater  was  the  chance  of  its  taking  fire.  The 
baron,  who  had  but  a small  quantity  of  Greek  fire  remain- 
ing, was  afraid  to  waste  it.  Already  five  cases  had  been 
thrown  without  effect  ; so  he  resolved  to  wait  till  the 
tower  was  close  to  the  ramparts. 

At  this  time  of  the  year  (June  21)  the  nights  are  not 
completely  dark,  and  day  breaks  early.  At  two  o’clock 
in  the  morning  the  wooden  tower  was  on  the  counterscarp 
of  the  ditch.  The  mound  that  filled  it  presented  a slope 
towards  the  ramparts,  and  was  covered  with  planks.  At 
a signal,  the  tower,  urged  on  from  behind  by  means  of 


220 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


twenty  powerful  levers,  rolled  quickly  along  its  inclined 
plane  and  came  into  collision  with  the  summit  of  the 
tower  P,  above  which  it  rose  ten  feet.  The  shock  made 
the  walls  tremble,  and  a shower  of  stones  and  darts  was 
poured  upon  the  defenders  from  the  top  of  the  wooden 
tower.  Then  a bridge  fell  noisily  on  the  head  of  the 
tower  above-mentioned,  shattered  the  mantelets  and  the 
catapult  ; and  the  assailants,  uttering  formidable  shouts, 
leaped  on  the  platform. 

Anseric  was  at  the  top  of  the  tower,  Q,  and  Baron  Guy 
was  posted  on  the  battlements  of  the  gate.  Both  of  them, 
rushing  towards  the  curtains,  attacked  in  their  turn  the 
assaulting  column  on  this  narrow  rampart  ; many  on  both 
sides  fell  within  the  court,  and  were  killed  or  had  their 
limbs  broken. 

Numbers  conferred  no  advantage,  since  it  was  impossible 
to  deploy  ; so  that  the  crowd  of  assailants  that  continued 
to  pour  forth  from  the  wooden  tower  had  to  fight  on  the 
right  and  the  left  in  a space  six  feet  wide.  The  staircase 
of  the  tower,  P,  having  been  blocked  up,  the  enemy  could 
not  get  down  through  it  ; so  that,  driven  into  a corner  on 
the  platform  of  the  tower,  they  had  to  make  their  way 
along  one  curtain  or  the  other.  Anseric,  at  the  head  of 
his  troop,  was  cutting  an  ensanguined  road  before  him 
with  a long-handled  axe.  At  his  side,  his  men,  armed  with 
pikes  and  hooks,  stabbed  or  grappled  with  and  threw 
down  the  wall  those  who  attempted  to  approach  their 
lord.  These  unfortunate  men  fell  from  a height  of  twenty- 
five  feet  on  the  debris  of  hoarding  which  the  garrison  had 
thrown  down  within,  to  clear  the  rampart  walk. 

The  crossbowmen,  posted  at  the  top  of  the  wooden 
tower,  discharged  quarrels  on  the  two  bands  ; but  the  men 
were  well  protected  with  armour,  and  the  quarrels  re- 
bounded from  their  helmets  or  were  arrested  by  their 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE 


221 


hauberks.  Friar  Jerome,  armed  with  an  enormous  mace, 
mounted  on  a merlon,  felled  all  who  came  within  his  reach. 

The  duke,  remaining  at  the  bottom  of  the  wooden  tower, 
and  supposing  the  rampart  taken,  was  urging  on  his  men- 
at-arms  that  they  might  follow  up  with  overwhelming  num- 
bers those  who  had  first  reached  the  rampart.  Thanks  to 
Anseric’s  efforts  and  those  of  the  baron,  there  was  some 
amount  of  delay  at  the  top  of  the  tower,  and  the  exit 
from  the  bridge  could  not  be  readily  effected.  The 
assailants  who  were  coming  up  behind  the  front  of  the 
assault  were  pressing  upon  those  before  them,  and  this 
pressure  only  increased  the  confusion. 

By  dint  of  numbers,  however,  the  Burgundians  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  a footing  on  the  tower  ; and  the  two 
bands  of  defenders  were  not  sufficiently  numerous  to 
thrust  them  back.  Seeing  that  they  were  going  to  be 
absolutely  overwhelmed,  the  baron  called  Father  Jerome, 
who,  leaping  from  merlon  to  merlon,  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing him. 

A word  spoken  in  the  friar’s  ear  made  him  run  towards 
the  neighbouring  tower  belonging  to  the  gate.  A moment 
afterwards  and  a strong  crossbow  mounted  on  the  upper 
story  of  the  work,  behind  the  hoarding,  shot  quarrels,  to 
which  cases  of  Greek  fire  were  fastened,  against  the  sides 
of  the  wooden  tower,  which  was  not  so  well  protected  by 
skins  as  its  front.  The  friar  took  a cool  aim  at  the  exposed 
part  of  the  timbers,  chiefly  about  seven  or  eight  feet  above 
the  base  of  the  tower.  He  had  ten  of  these  cases  left,  and 
all  were  aimed  with  a sure  hand,  being  attached  to  strong 
quarrels,  whose  points  were  well  sharpened.  Four  of  the 
quarrels  failed  to  stick,  but  the  six  others  were  fixed 
firmly  in  the  timber,  and  the  cases  they  bore  spread  a 
tenacious  and  burning  lava  over  the  wood. 

At  the  first  moment  the  Burgundians,  absorbed  in  the 


222 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


attack,  did  not  perceive  the  danger.  Those  who  had 
reached  the  top  of  the  tower  could  not  be  aware  of  it. 

The  duke  was  one  of  the  first  to  see  the  thick  smoke 
issuing  from  the  kindled  wood.  Immediately  he  gave 
orders  for  the  extinction  in  all  haste  of  the  fire  with  the 
aid  of  small  hand-ladders  ; but  as  soon  as  anyone  mounted 
one  of  these  ladders,  a dozen  archers  and  crossbowmen 
posted  in  the  gate  tower  made  him  their  mark.  Four  or 
five  men  had  been  killed  or  wounded  before  the  level  of 
the  flame  was  reached.  Inside,  the  soldiers  who,  like  a 
rising  flood,  were  ascending  to  the  top  of  the  tower,  soon 
found  themselves  surrounded  by  the  suffocating  smoke 
produced  by  the  Greek  fire.  Some  were  the  more  eager 
to  mount,  others  hesitated  and  were  for  going  down. 
“Now!  to  the  rescue!  Arde  le  beffroi  ! ” cried  Friar 
Jerome,  coming  to  rejoin  the  baron’s  troop,  which  was 
almost  driven  into  a corner  close  to  the  tower  ; and  with 
his  long  mace  he  took  the  lead,  breaking  heads  and  arms. 
“ Arde  le  beffroi  ! ” he  shouted  at  every  blow.  “ Roche- 
Pont  ! Roche-Pont  ! Arde  le  beffroi  ! ” shouted,  in  its  turn, 
the  baron’s  small  troop  (Fig.  47).  Anseric’s  men,  who  were 
crowded  up  in  the  corner  tower,  re-echoed  this  cry. 

The  Burgundians,  however,  did  not  retreat  ; in  fact,  if 
they  had  wished  to  do  so,  they  could  not.  They  tried  to 
place  ladders  to  get  down  into  the  court,  but  they  were 
too  short.  “ Burgundy  ! Burgundy  ! ” shouted  the  assail- 
ants, in  their  turn.  “ Place  prise  ! Place  prise  !” 

The  grey  light  of  dawn  faintly  illumined  this  scene  of 
carnage,  and  its  pale,  cold  gleams  mingled  with  the  ruddy 
glow  of  the  fire.  The  smoke,  driven  by  a breeze  from  the 
north-east,  beat  down  upon  the  combatants,  and  sometimes 
hindered  them  from  seeing  each  other  ; but  the  struggle 
raged  on.  Heaps  of  the  dead  and  wounded — the  latter 
being  speedily  dispatched  by  menials  posted  in  the  court 


Fig.  47.  — The  Movable  Tower. 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


223 


to  resist  any  who  should  try  to  get  down  into  it— lay  at 
the  interior  base  of  the  curtains. 

Although  Anseric  and  the  baron  had  ordered  those  who 
remained  in  the  two  neighbouring  towers  (that  of  the 
angle  and  that  of  the  gate)  not  to  quit  their  post  under 
any  pretext,  and  not  to  unbar  the  gates  till  the  two  troops 
were  absolutely  driven  back  upon  those  defences,  these 
brave  men,  seeing  so  fine  an  opportunity  of  routing  the 
Burgundians,  and  observing  the  weakness  of  the  two  bands 
of  the  defenders  compared  with  the  host  of  assailants, 
opened  the  gates  and  sallied  forth  to  help  their  comrades. 

Eleanor  and  her  waiting-women,  with  some  of  the 
wounded,  perceiving  the  critical  state  of  affairs  (for  the 
combat  took  place  in  front  of  the  western  inhabited  part  of 
the  castle),  had  proceeded  along  the  western  curtain  and 
had  reached  the  corner  tower,  Q,1  behind  the  troop  com- 
manded by  Anseric.  The  lady  of  the  castle  was  the  first 
to  encourage  the  men  on  guard  there  to  go  out,  saying  that 
she  knew  well  enough  how  to  bar  the  doors.  As  to  the 
wounded  who  were  with  her,  they  posted  themselves  as 
best  they  could  at  the  hoarding,  to  shoot  at  the  enemy 
outside  and  the  compact  mass  of  Burgundians  engaged  on 
the  platform  of  the  tower.  These  two  reinforcements 
arrived  very  opportunely.  The  new  comers,  fresh  and 
vigorous,  made  their  way,  some  on  the  tops  of  the  mer- 
lons, others  on  the  débris  of  the  hoarding,  and  relieved 
their  comrades  exhausted  by  the  struggle. 

The  fire  was  catching  the  framework  of  the  tower,  and 
the  Burgundians  soon  found  their  retreat  cut  off.  Those 
who  had  gained  the  rampart,  however,  sold  their  lives 
dearly,  and  the  struggle  did  not  cease  till  the  flames  of 
the  burning  tower  curled  round  the  platform  and  the 
rampart  walk. 


1 See  Fig.  45. 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


224 

Nearly  five  hundred  Burgundians  were  killed,  wounded, 
taken  prisoners,  or  burned.  The  sparks  of  fire,  driven  by 
the  wind,  were  borne  down  upon  the  roof  and  the  hoard- 
ing of  the  tower  at  the  angle,  and  it  caught  fire  about  six 
o’clock  in  the  morning. 

The  day  was  a fortunate  one  for  the  defenders,  but 
they  had  lost  nearly  two  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded. 
Anseric  had  been  struck  by  several  quarrels  that  pierced 
his  hauberk,  and  was  covered  with  blood.  The  baron, 
that  he  might  be  more  at  his  ease  in  fighting,  feeling 
himself  oppressed  by  his  helmet,  had  taken  it  off  during 
the  struggle,  and  had  a large  wound  in  his  head.  They 
hastened  to  throw  over  the  battlements  the  bodies  of  the 
slain  Burgundians  upon  the  last  blazing  timbers  of  the 
tower,  and  to  bury  in  the  court  the  dead  that  had  fallen 
there.  All  in  the  castle  were  exhausted  with  fatigue. 
Eleanor  and  her  attendants  were  engaged  in  dressing 
wounds  and  in  bringing  food  and  drink  to  the  various 
posts.  The  lady  of  the  castle  preserved  her  tranquil 
countenance  and  gentle  look  amid  these  sanguinary  scenes, 
and  during  the  whole  day  and  through  the  following  night 
she  did  not  cease  to  render  aid  to  all  w ho  needed  it. 
“ Fair  niece,”  said  the  baron  to  her,  while  she  was  dress- 
ing his  wound,  “ if  the  king’s  army  does  not  make  haste 
it  will  find  no  more  defenders  to  deliver  ; but  we  have 
given  the  duke  some  trouble,  and  if  he  goes  on  he,  too, 
may  have  to  return  to  his  court  alone.” 

The  22nd  of  June  passed  without  fighting.  The  duke 
had  a cat  constructed  with  a view  to  sapping  the  rampart 
at  its  base — which  seemed  the  more  feasible,  since  the 
destruction  of  its  hoarding  and  the  burning  of  the  tower 
in  the  angle  deprived  the  defenders  of  the  means  of 
opposing  the  sapping  effectually.  The  garrison  could  see 
the  enemy  engaged  in  this  work  in  the  bailey  behind  the 


THE  FOURTH  SIEGE. 


225 


mantelets,  and  they  accumulated  within  the  rampart  all  the 
materials  they  could  procure,  with  a view  to  blocking  up 
the  mouth  of  the  mine  at  the  moment  it  reached  the  court 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  June,  the  watch  posted 
on  the  gateway  tower  were  much  surprised  at  seeing  not 
a single  Burgundian  in  the  bailey.  They  went  imme- 
diately to  inform  Anseric  and  the  baron.  “ It  is  either 
a ruse,  or  the  king’s  army  is  coming,”  said  the  latter  ; 
“ let  there  be  a sharp  look-out  in  every  quarter.”  They 
ascended  the  donjon.  The  posts  on  the  south  were  aban- 
doned. The  cat  and  the  mantelets  remained  in  the  bailey 
as  well  as  the  trebuchets.  About  noon  the  baron  sent  out 
ten  men  with  the  deserter,  who  was  to  conduct  them  to 
the  various  points  occupied  by  the  Burgundian  captains. 
In  three  hours’  time  they  returned,  saying  that  they  had 
met  only  some  laggards,  who  had  fled  at  their  approach, 
and  some  wounded  ; that  the  encampment  was  utterly 
deserted,  but  there  were  some  waggons  and  military 
engines  left. 

The  duke  having  been  informed  of  the  advance  of  the 
king’s  army,  which  was  only  a day’s  march  from  the  castle, 
had  decamped  in  the  night,  abandoning  his  material  of  war. 

Great  was  the  joy  at  La  Roche-Pont.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  town  soon  came  and  confirmed  the  news.  The 
last  of  the  Burgundians  had  departed  about  noon,  not 
without  leaving  many  of  their  men  on  the  field  ; for,  in 
spite  of  the  injunctions  of  the  duke,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  lower  town  of  Saint-Julien  had  been  considerably 
plundered  and  had  driven  out  the  last  of  the  soldiers 
with  stones  and  pike  thrusts. 

Soon  afterwards  the  Sieur  de  la  Roche-Pont  did  homage 
for  his  fief  to  King  Philip  Augustus  ; and  the  monks  re- 
entered their  abbey,  for  the  repair  of  which  the  king  gave 
five  Hundred  livres. 


CHAPTER  XL 


THE  FIRST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY. 

King  John  had  possessed  himself  of  the  duchy  of  Bur- 
gundy and  united  it  with  the  crown  ; he  resigned  it  in 
favour  of  his  son  Philip,  who,  as  is  well  known,  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  on  the  fatal  day  of  Poictiers.  From 
that  epoch  till  the  time  of  Charles  the  Bold,  the  duchy 
had  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  descendants  of  King 
John  ; and  although  the  dukes  of  Burgundy  were  very 
warlike,  and  had  formed  a league  with  the  English  against 
the  crown  of  France,  in  consequence  of  the  quarrel  that 
arose  in  1400  between  Philip  and  the  Duke  Louis  d’Or- 
leans,  brother  of  Charles  VL,  the  duchy  was  relatively 
at  peace,  while  the  north  of  France,  as  far  as  the  Loire, 
was  in  the  power  of  foreigners. 

After  the  death  of  Charles  the  Bold  before  Nancy, 
King  Louis  XI.  lost  no  time  in  despatching  to  the  pro- 
vince of  Burgundy  La  Trémoille,  baron  of  Craon,  who, 
acting  in  concert  with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  soon  reduced 
the  whole  province  into  subjection  to  the  king  of  France  ; 
this  was  in  1477. 

The  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  (at  that  time  the  abbey 
alone  preserved  the  name  of  Saint-Julien,  and  the  town 
had  adopted  that  of  the  castle)  had  been  deemed  by 
Charles  the  Bold  worthy  of  special  attention.  Re- 
cognising the  advantageous  site  of  the  place  and  the 


FIRST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY.  227 


importance  of  its  strategic  position,  this  prince  had  adapted 
the  ancient  defences  to  the  new  mode  of  attack.  The  old 
castle  of  La  Roche-Pont,  several  times  repaired,  still  showed 
some  of  its  defences  dating  from  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century,  the  donjon  being  particularly  well  preserved  ; 
but  the  abbey  and  the  entire  plateau  had  been  surrounded 
by  a new  wall  by  Philip,  about  1380,  and  the  town  had  been 
rebuilt  within  this  enclosure,  the  right  bank  of  the  larger 
stream  being  completely  abandoned.  At  the  end  of  the 
fourteenth  century  there  existed  only  a suburb  on  the 
slopes  of  the  plateau  along  the  left  bank,  and  this  suburb 
had  no  other  defence  than  a wall  of  inconsiderable  strength 
on  the  north.  The  great-grandson  of  Anseric,  Sieur  de  la 
Roche-Pont,  having  died  without  male  heirs,  the  fief  of 
La  Roche-Pont  had  reverted  to  the  Duke  Philip,  who, 
as  well  as  his  successors,  appointed  the  governors  of  the 
town  and  castle,  henceforth  a ducal  domain. 

The  enclosure  of  the  town  had  been  rebuilt  in  great 
part  on  the  Roman  foundations.  It  consisted  of  a sub- 
stantial wall  rising  about  twenty-four  feet  above  the 
outside  ground  level,  without  machicoulis,  strengthened 
with  cylindrical  towers  thirty-six  feet  in  height  surrounded 
by  machicoulis  and  covered  with  conical  roofs.  Machi- 
coulis formed  also  the  upper  defence  of  the  curtains  and 
towers  of  the  castle,  whose  plan  had  not  been  changed. 

This  place  had  not  suffered  any  attack  since  the  date  of 
these  new  works,  and  it  was  intact  under  Charles  the  Bold. 
During  his  struggle  in  the  north  with  the  people  of  Ghent 
and  Hainault,  and  as  a precaution  against  the  intrigues  of 
Louis  XL,  he  had  thought  it  needful  to  put  the  town  of 
La  Roche-Pont  in  a good  state  of  defence.  Now,  limited 
though  its  efficiency  was,  the  artillery  of  the  king  of 
France  already  played  a sufficiently  important  part  in 
sieges  to  render  it  necessary  to  provide  against  its  effects. 

O 2 


FIRST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY.  229 

The  duke  therefore  raised  several  boulevards  to  replace  the 
walls  and  receive  artillery.  (Fig.  48.) 

As  shown  in  our  plan,  the  bailey  of  the  castle  no  longer 
existed.  It  was  replaced  by  a wide  ditch,  A,  of  little  depth  ; 
its  bottom  was  on  a level  with  the  two  boulevards,  B and  C. 
A third  boulevard  surrounded  the  base  of  the  donjon  ex- 
ternally, in  the  place  of  the  ancient  chemise.  This  boule- 
vard commanded  the  stone  bridge  rebuilt  in  the  fourteenth 
century  on  the  Roman  piers.  Before  the  north  front  was 
raised  an  isolated  boulevard  of  earth,  D,  of  slight  elevation, 
but  commanding  the  road  of  the  plateau.  At  the  angles 
of  the  north  front  two  large  towers,  E,  F,  adapted  to 
receive  cannon,  flanked  the  angles  and  were  in  a position 
to  sweep  the  boulevard,  D.  Set  back  on  the  eastern  side, 
a similar  tower,  G,  commanded  the  valley  of  the  rivulet. 
Two  boulevards,  H and  I,  forming  projections  beneath  the 
defences  of  the  fourteenth  century,  commanded  the  course 
of  the  river,  and  could  cross  their  fire  with  the  boulevard  B, 
and  the  tower  E.  A boulevard  was  also  raised  on  the 
eastern  salient  at  K. 

The  faubourg  had  preserved  its  two  parish  churches, 
and  a convent  of  Jacobins  had  been  built  at  L,  on  lands 
bought  by  Saint  Louis  while  the  fief  of  La  Roche-Pont 
was  still  directly  dependent  on  the  crown  of  France. 

The  abbey  of  Saint-Julien,  O,  had  diminished  its  enclo- 
sure, and  yielded  a part  of  its  estates.  Houses  arose  in  its 
ancient  pleasance,  whose  perimeter  had  been  somewhat 
altered.  These  habitations  were  within  its  liberties  and 
belonged  to  the  abbey,  which  granted  them  on  lease. 

At  M,  a parish  church  under  the  invocation  of  Our  Lady 
had  been  built  towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
when  the  lord  of  La  Roche-Pont,  wanting  money,  sold 
some  lands — formerly  belonging  to  the  castle — for  build- 
ing. At  N was  the  market-place.  Three  gates  gave 


230 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


admission  to  the  cité:  one  on  the  north,  called  Saint- 
Julien’s  gate;  one  on  the  east,  Mill-gate;  and  the  third 
on  the  south-east,  called  Castle-gate. 

We  must  enter  into  some  details  respecting  the  new 
defences  raised  under  Charles  the  Bold.  Figure  49  pre- 
sents a bird’s-eye  view  of  the  northern  boulevard,  D,  with 
the  cité  front  in  the  background,  its  gate  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  and  the  two  great  corner  towers. 


Fig.  49. 


Fig.  50  A gives  the  plan  of  one  of  these  towers  at  the 
level  of  the  lower  battery,  and  B its  section  through  a , b. 

These  towers  were  forty  yards  in  diameter  on  the  out- 
side, and  consisted  of  a low"  battery,  whose  floor  was  six 
feet  beneath  the  upper  level  of  the  plateau.  The  descent 
to  this  low"  battery  was  by  a slope  ending  in  an  octagonal 
hall  whose  vaults  rested  on  four  great  cylindrical  pillars. 


Fie.  50.— Masonry  Tower  for  Artillery. 


232 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Three  chambers  with  embrasures  for  three  large  cannons 
opened  into  this  hall.  By  the  galleries,  C,  there  was  a com- 
munication between  two  of  these  chambers  and  two  other 
smaller  ones  pierced  with  embrasures  for  culverins.  From 
the  descent  D,  two  passages,  E,  gave  access  to  two  cham- 
bers, F,  likewise  arranged  with  embrasures  to  receive  two 
large  guns. 

The  barrel  vaults  of  these  rooms  had  openings  to  allow 
the  smoke  to  escape.  Small  powder  magazines,  G,  opened 
near  each  of  the  chambers,  and  five  large  lunettes  pierced 
in  the  vaults  of  the  central  hall  gave  air  and  light  to  the 
interior.  At  H,  a well  was  connected  with  a cistern  con- 
structed under  the  central  hall,  as  indicated  in  section  B. 
This  cistern  was  supplied  by  rain-water  falling  on  the 
platform  and  discharged  by  four  pipes  passing  down 
through  the  inner  walls.  Two  winding  staircases  con- 
nected the  lower  battery  with  the  platform  and  the 
curtains  of  the  fourteenth  century,  1 1,  and  allowed  of  a de- 
scent through  two  posterns,  K,  into  the  braie,  L,  defended 
by  an  epaulement,  a palisade,  and  narrow  ditch.  Flanks,  /, 
raked  the  salient  of  this  braie.  The  curtain,  whose 
rampart  walk  rose  six  feet  above  the  level  of  the  plat- 
form, closed  the  gorge  of  the  tower,  as  shown  in  section  B 
at  N.  Two  watch-towers,  P,  were  built  in  the  thickness 
of  the  parapet,  pierced  with  nineteen  embrasures  for  small 
pieces.  This  parapet  was  not  too  high  for  arbalisters  to 
shoot  over  its  slope.  A wide  incline,  R,  facilitated  the 
getting  up  of  guns  and  the  ascent  of  men  to  the  platform. 

Fig.  5 i presents  a bird’s-eye  view  of  boulevard  I,1  with 
the  ramparts  of  the  fourteenth  century.  These  boulevards 
were  earthworks,  and  their  interior  surface  was  four  yards 
below  the  level  oc  the  plateau.  The  boulevards,  B and 
C,  raised  at  the  western  angles  of  t ;e  castle,  had  their 

1 See  the  general  plan,  Fig.  48. 


F/RST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY.  233 

platforms  on  a level  with  the  bottom  of  the  ditch,  as  men- 
tioned above.  Having  thus  described  the  general  plan  and 
the  details,  we  proceed  to  narrate  the  events  of  which  the 
town  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  the  theatre  in  1477  and  1478. 

With  a view  to  securing  the  aid  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
after  the  death  of  Duke  Charles,  Louis  XI.  had  been  most 


Fig.  51. 


liberal  to  him  in  promises,  one  of  which  was  that  he  would 
place  in  his  hands  all  the  strong  towns  of  Burgundy  that 
belonged  to  the  estate  of  the  Piince  of  Orange,  his  grand- 
father, and  which  Duke  Charles  had  forestalled. 


234 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


But  when  the  Seigneur  de  Craon  had  taken  possession 
of  these  places  he  would  not  give  them  up,  notwithstand- 
ing the  demands  made  upon  him  by  the  Prince,  and  the 
apparent  orders  of  King  Louis  XI. 

The  marriage  between  the  daughter  of  Charles  the 
Bold,  sole  heiress  of  his  domains,  and  Maximilian,  Duke 
of  Austria,  took  place  in  the  meantime.  The  latter  pro- 
ceeded to  recover  possession  of  the  duchy  of  Burgundy, 
and  had  a conference  with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  exas- 
perated at  the  non-fulfilment  of  the  promises  made  him  ; 
while  the  province  was  soon  to  a large  extent  roused 
against  the  French,  whom  the  Seigneur  de  Craon,  eager 
for  gain,  and  by  no  means  faithful  in  accomplishing  his 
engagements,  rendered  detestable. 

The  Seigneur  de  Craon  had  left  in  the  town  of  La  Roche- 
Pont  only  a somewhat  feeble  garrison.  At  the  instigation 
of  the  agents  of  Maximilian,  who  was  filling  the  country 
with  emissaries,  the  inhabitants  barricaded  themselves  one 
evening  in  the  streets,  and  attacked  the  French  posts. 
The  latter,  small  in  number,  and  indifferently  commanded, 
took  refuge  in  the  castle  after  having  lost  some  soldiers. 
The  castle  was  ill  supplied  with  provisions  and  munitions. 
Surrounded  by  the  townspeople,  the  garrison  could  not 
hold  their  position  long;  so  that  one  night  it  escaped  on 
the  south  side,  passing  right  through  the  Burgundian  posts 
to  join  the  Seigneur  de  Craon’s  army  near  Dijon.  The 
inhabitants  immediately  hoisted  the  Cross  of  Burgundy  on 
the  keep,  and  hastened  to  Maximilian  to  inform  him  of 
the  success  of  the  rising,  and  to  ask  assistance  against  a 
return  of  the  king’s  armies  ; for  they  were  scarcely  in  a 
condition  to  defend  themselves.  Maximilian  sent  them 
a body  of  twelve  hundred  Germans,  Swiss,  and  Braban- 
çons, with  cannon,  munitions,  and  engineers.  The  first 
thing  these  troops  did  on  arriving  was  to  commit  some 


FIRST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY.  235 


depredations  in  the  environs  and  the  western  faubourg, 
after  which  they  set  about  the  defence  of  the  place. 

The  Sire  de  Montcler  had  been  invested  with  the  com- 
mand of  the  foreign  troops  and  of  those  he  was  able  to 
collect  together  in  the  town  and  neighbourhood.  He  was 
an  active,  enterprising,  and  rather  shrewd  man,  of  noble 
bearing  and  handsome  countenance,  in  the  prime  of  life, 
capable  of  enforcing  obedience,  and  trusting  to  himself 
alone  in  getting  his  orders  executed.  He  had  soon  decided 
on  his  plans. 

The  able-bodied  population  of  the  town  amounted  to 
about  two  thousand  men,  half  of  whom  were  in  a condition 
to  render  effective  service,  and  were  accustomed  to  war. 
Some  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  foreign  troops,  some 
Burgundian  lords  who  favoured  the  young  duchess,  and 
were  much  incensed  against  the  Seigneur  de  Craon  — 
who,  for  no  other  reason  than  to  get  money,  had  plundered 
their  estates  and  taken  away  their  most  valuable  property 
— assembled  at  La  Roche-Pont.  They  brought  with  them 
two  hundred  lances  and  some  convoys  of  provisions.  The 
effective  garrison  might  therefore  be  said  to  amount  to 
three  thousand  fighting  men,  of  whom  five  hundred  were 
horse — each  lance  being  followed  by  an  esquire. 

The  place  was  not  in  a good  state  of  defence  ; the  braies 
were  much  dilapidated,  the  earthen  boulevards  crumbling 
away,  while  the  ditches  wanted  clearing  out.  No  piece 
was  mounted.  There  were  neither  gabions  nor  fascines 
nor  stakes  for  palisades.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  made  the 
following  arrangement: — All,  whether  captains,  soldiers, 
pioneers,  inhabitants  of  the  town,  men  or  women,  were  to 
go  every  morning  before  daybreak  to  the  posts  assigned 
them  beforehand,  on  pain  of  death.  And  with  a view  to 
impressing  this  order  on  all,  gallows  were  set  up  in  the 
various  wards,  which  bore  the  following  names  : Tower 


236 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


ward  (on  the  North);  Saint-Julien’s  ward  (including  the 
abbey  and  the  eastern  part  of  the  cité  opposite  the  monas- 
tery) ; Saint-Louis’s  ward  (situated  between  the  abbey 
and  the  castle,  on  the  west)  ; the  Mill  ward,  looking 
towards  the  east.  The  tenants  of  the  abbey  had  claimed 
exemption  from  the  service,  but  the  Sire  de  Montcler  had 
paid  no  attention  to  their  claims  any  more  than  to  those 
of  the  abbot,  whose  gardens  and  buildings  served  as  a cen- 
tral arsenal.  Two  or  three  obstinate  burgesses  had  been 
hanged,  and  since  then  none  had  failed  in  his  duty.  At 
noon  all  went  to  dinner,  and  returned  at  two  o’clock  to 
work  till  nightfall.  The  women  and  the  children  from 
eleven  to  sixteen  years  of  age  carried  earth  in  baskets  and 
traies  ; and  the  soldiers,  pioneers,  and  townsmen,  under  the 
direction  of  the  engineers,  began  to  restore  the  parapets 
of  the  boulevards,  cleared  out  the  ditches  and  restored  the 
braies  again.  A sawing  machine  was  established  at  the 
mill  and  cut  wood  to  make  palisades.  In  a few  days  the 
inhabitants,  who  had  at  first  thought  this  very  hard  work 
and  regretted  having  driven  away  the  French  garrison, 
had  become  habituated  to  this  life  of  fatigue,  and  endured 
it  quite  cheerfully.  Singing  and  laughing  were  heard  in 
every  quarter  while  the  work  was  going  on.  It  might 
have  been  supposed  that  they  were  engaged  in  a fête. 

The  governor  had  not  overlooked  the  supply  of  provi- 
sions. It  was  the  end  of  the  summer.  All  the  harvest 
produce  of  the  neighbourhood  had  been  ordered  to  be 
brought  into  the  town.  A pair  of  millstones,  which  were 
still  available  after  the  establishment  of  the  saw-mill,  was 
at  work  night  and  day.  All  the  provisions  stored  in  the 
houses  were  to  be  deposited  in  the  abbey  or  the  castle,  on 
pain  of  death,  and  the  inhabitants  received  their  several 
rations  like  the  soldiers.  A large  store  of  grain  and 
vegetables  laid  up  in  the  abbey  considerably  increased  the 


FIRST  DEFENCES  AGAINST  FIRE  ARTILLERY.  237 

supplies  of  provisions.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  had  of  course 
laid  hands  on  these  provisions. 

The  old  men  and  young  children  were  occupied  in  mak- 
ing  gabions  and  cutting  turf  for  the  taluses  of  the  boule- 
vards. Behind  the  north  front  the  governor  had  a good 


trench  dug,  demolishing  some  houses,  with  retrenchment 
and  good  gabionades  on  the  flanks  for  artillery.  The 
north  wall  of  the  abbey  was  terraced  and  united  to  the 
east  curtain  by  a retrenchment  with  a ditch. 


238 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


The  Sire  de  Montcler  was  a good-humoured  man,  fami- 
liar with  all,  present  everywhere  and  talking  to  everybody  ; 
and,  thanks  to  his  jocular  and  pleasant  ways,  the  good 
people  saw  their  houses  demolished  and  the  soil  of  their 
gardens  taken  away  to  make  ditches  and  epaulements 
without  being  greatly  distressed. 

When  everything  was  well  prepared  for  the  defence, 
however,  the  governor  sent  away  all  useless  mouths. 
Women,  children,  and  old  men  had  to  seek  an  asylum  in 
the  environs.  After  this,  the  western  faubourg  was  burned 
to  prevent  its  being  occupied  by  the  troops  of  Louis  XI. 

A tête  du  pont  had  been  formed  on  the  right  bank  out- 
side the  drawbridge  (Fig.  52),  with  a large  cavalier  on  the 
left  bank  ; the  two  other  bridges  were  destroyed.  On  the 
plateau  towards  the  north  arose,  in  front  of  the  boulevard 
D,1  an  intrenchment  of  earth,  with  barricades  of  trees  and 
large  gabions  screening  two  culverins.  The  boulevards 
and  towers  on  the  north  were  armed  with  bombards. 

Every  night  the  governor  took  care  to  reconnoitre  the 
environs. 

1 See  Fig.  48. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 

The  4th  of  September,  1478,  the  army  of  King  Louis 
XI.  was  reported  by  a company  of  horsemen  to  be  half  a 
day’s  march  from  the  town.  This  army,  consisting  of 
five  hundred  lances  and  infantry,  forming  a total  of  about 
six  thousand  men,  was  commanded  by  Messire  Charles 
d’Amboise,  lord  of  Chaumont,  a sage  and  moderate  man, 
no  plunderer  as  his  predecessor  had  been,  and  as  valiant 
a man  of  war  as  he  was  a clever  politician. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  was  expecting  a reinforce- 
ment of  twelve  hundred  Swiss  ; for  he  had  been  able  to 
push  his  interests  so  ably  with  some  of  the  gentry  of  the 
Cantons  by  offering  them  attractive  advantages,  that  they 
had  resolved  to  furnish  him  with  troops. 

Besides  the  four  florins  and  a half  a month  which  he 
gave  to  each  man,  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  paid  for  this 
service  twenty  thousand  francs  to  the  cities  of  Berne, 
Lucerne,  Zurich,  Solerne,  and  twenty  thousand  to  the 
private  individuals  who  undertook  the  recruiting.  For 
which  consideration,  a body  of  Swiss  troops  for  the 
service  of  the  king  was  to  be  raised,  amounting  to  six 
thousand  infantry. 

The  king’s  army  took  with  it  a good  and  powerful  artillery, 
consisting  of  twelve  large  bombards,  twenty-four  spiroles, 
veuglaires  and  ribeaudequins,  without  reckoning  fire-arms 
and  the  munitions  for  this  ordnance.  Thus  accompanied  it 
marched  slowly  and  in  good  order,  well  guarded  on  its  flanks. 


240 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Some  of  the  Burgundian  lords,  with  about  forty  lances, 
having  wished  to  try  the  strength  of  the  French  previous 
to  their  arrival  before  the  city,  suffered  for  their  adven- 
turous spirit  ; for  they  left  half  their  number  on  the  field. 
The  governor,  therefore,  commanded  that  no  one  should 
go  out  without  his  orders.  The  first  troops  of  Messire 
Charles  d’Amboise  showed  themselves  at  nightfall  on  the 
northern  side  of  the  plateau,  just  beyond  the  range  of 
boulevard  D1,  and  began  to  install  themselves,  setting  up 
between  them  and  the  town,  mantelets  brought  on  carts, 
and  fixed  with  the  help  of  stakes  driven  in  the  ground. 
When  it  became  quite  dark,  the  Sire  de  Montder  tried  to 
attack  them  ; but  perceiving  that  this  vanguard  was 
efficiently  sustained  by  a large  body  posted  in  the  rear,  he 
retired  after  a slight  skirmish. 

Xext  day,  the  5th  of  September,  Messire  Charles  d?Am- 
boise  sent  some  scouts  into  the  lower  town,  and  on  the 
eastern  side  towards  the  mills,  which  he  took  without  strik- 
ing a blow,  for  they  were  not  guarded.  Immediately,  some 
bombs  were  discharged  at  these  mills,  and  the  besiegers 
were  obliged  to  abandon  them  for  the  moment,  for  at  the 


second  discharge  one  of  the  roofs  fell  in.  The  Sire  de 
Montcler  organized  his  troops  as  follows  : — 

In  each  of  the  four  wards  mentioned  above.  200  armed  men  from  the  town 

were  intrusted  with  îhe  gnard  and  defence  of  the  ramparts  . . . Soc 

There  remained  500  Burgundian  foot  soldiers,  among  whom  there  were 

bombardiers  and  culverineers 150 

Skilled  javelin  men,  archers,  and  arbalisters  .........  250 

Pioneers 100 

The  Germans  who  were  not  on  friendly  terms  with  the  inhabitants  were 

posted  in  reserve  in  the  abbey,  amounting  to  ......  . Soo 

And  in  the  castle,  amounting  to 400 

The  men-at-arms,  partly  in  the  abbey 200 

Partly  in  the  castle . 200 

Partly  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  gates 50 

Total  of  force  . 2,95° 


Total  of  force  . 2,950 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


241 


It  was  evident  that  the  garrison  was  not  numerous 
enough  to  attempt  sorties  ; it  had  already  enough  to  do 
to  guard  its  defences  in  presence  of  a besieging  army 
amounting  to  nearly  six  thousand  men;  an  army  moreover 
which  might  receive  reinforcements.  The  governor  was 
clearly  awake  to  the  facts,  and  felt  that  he  must  economise 
his  strength. 

He  resolved,  therefore,  to  limit  himself  at  least  for  the 
moment  to  an  energetic  defence  ; but  this  did  not  prevent 
him  from  sending  messengers  to  Maximilian  before  the 
complete  investment,  to  ask  him  to  intervene  and  send 
a corps  of  relief,  if  he  did  not  wish  to  see  the  place  fall 
into  the  haiius  of  the  king  of  France,  which  would  cer- 
tainly happen  if  it  were  left  to  itself.  But  he  added  it 
would  resist  to  the  last,  and  he  could  answer  for  the 
disposition  of  the  garrison. 

On  his  side,  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  seemed  not  to 
wish  to  precipitate  matters  ; he  hanged  several  soldiers 
who  had  been  guilty  of  acts  of  pillage  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  ordered  that  the  dwellers  in  the  suburbs  should 
be  considerately  treated.  By  the  evening  of  the  8th  of 
September  the  town  was  completely  invested.  A body, 
consisting  of  three  thousand  two  hundred  men,  remained 
encamped  on  the  northern  plateau,  acting  in  conjunction 
with  five  hundred  men  posted  among  the  ruins  of  the  lower 
town  and  three  hundred  men  behind  the  walls  on  the  lower 
slopes  of  the  hills  on  the  east.1  Most  of  the  cavalry  occu- 
pied the  right  shore  of  the  larger  stream  and  the  valley  on 
the  south.  A body  of  about  five  hundred  men  blockaded 
the  tête  du  pout , and  had  orders  to  seize  it  when  a favour- 
able occasion  offered.  That  night  some  pieces  of  artillery 
were  brought  into  position  on  the  lower  slopes  of  the  east- 
ern hills  to  command  all  the  eastern  declivity  of  the  cite. 

1 See  the  topographical  map,  Fig.  i. 

R 


242 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Some  were  assigned  to  the  body  of  troops  blockading 
the  tête  du  pont . 

The  besiegers’  artillery  was  thus  disposed  : — 

Veuglaires, 

Bombards.  Spiroles. 


Attack  on  the  northern  boulevard  ....  4 ...  2 

Battery  on  the  slopes  of  the  eastern  hills  . . 2 ...  4 

Before  the  tête  du  pont ...  4 

On  the  western  slopes  of  the  plateau  command- 
ing the  lower  town  ...  2 

Park  of  reserve 6 ...  12 

Total 12  24 


The  artillery  of  the  besieged  consisted  of  : — 

Bombards.  Culverins. 


On  the  platforms  of  the  three  great  no r them 

towers 3 ...  3 

In  the  casemated  batteries  of  these  towers  . . — ...  6 

On  the  earthwork  in  front  of  the  northern 

boulevard — ...  2 

On  the  northern  boulevard I ...  2 

On  the  boulevards  B,  C,  H,  I-,  K 5 ...  5 

On  the  cavalier  commanding  the  bridge  ...  I ...  2 

Reserve  in  the  abbey  and  the  castle  ....  4 ...  8 

Totals 14  28 


On  the  10th  of  September  the  besiegers  began  a cavalier 
in  form  of  a horseshoe,  three  hundred  paces  from  the  boule- 
vard, E,  towards  the  north-east,  to  rake  its  gorge  at  A (Fig. 
53).  This  cavalier  was  armed  with  two  bombards  and  a 
spirole.  Northwards,  on  the  side  of  the  road,  a second 
cavalier,  B,  was  also  provided  with  two  bombards.  Next 
was  commenced  an  earthwork,  running  obliquely  with 
traverses,  to  reach  from  this  cavalier  in  a south-west 
direction  as  far  as  the  edge  of  the  plateau  near  the  de- 
fenders’ intrenchment  C,  D.  The  great  boulevard,  E,  of 
the  defence  was  armed  with  a bombard  and  two  culverins, 
and  two  other  culverins  flanked  the  intrenchment  C,  D. 
On  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  September,  the  four  bom- 
bards of  the  besiegers  sent  into  the  boulevard  stone  balls 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


243 


two  hundred  pounds  weight,  which  very  much  damaged 
the  gorge,  and  about  noon  dismounted  the  bombard  and 
one  of  the  culverins.  The  besieged  had  answered  their 
fire  as  well  as  they  could,  both  from  the  boulevard  and  the 
two  great  towers  G,  H.  But  it  was  only  the  balls  of  the 


bombard  mounted  on  the  platform  of  the  tower  H,  that 
reached  the  cavalier  A.  Those  of  the  tower  G only  rolled 
as  far  as  the  slope  of  the  cavalier  B.  The  governor  might 
have  mounted  other  bombards  on  the  boulevard  E ; but  he 
was  afraid  of  losing  the  pieces,  and  preferred  reserving 
them  for  the  defence  at  close  quarters.  On  the  18th  the 


K 2 


244 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


besieger  had  terminated  his  earthwork  as  far  as  the  point  1, 
and  there  he  brought  up  a veuglaire  to  dismount  the  flank 
culverin  C.  At  this  point  some  men  were  lost  on  both 
sides  ; for  the  besiegers  sent  among  those  engaged  in  the 
works  large  balls  of  stone  and  leaden  bullets,  fired  from  the 
bombards  of  the  tower  G,  and  from  small  cannon. 

On  the  1 8th  of  September,  at  daybreak,  the  bombards 
of  the  cavaliers,  A and  B,  redoubled  their  fire  on  the  boule- 
vard ; then  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise,  having  massed  a 
body  of  four  hundred  men  at  the  point,  I,  sheltered  by 
gabions  and  fascines  put  up  during  the  night  ; at  the 
word  of  command  this  body  fell  upon  the  flank,  C,  which 
was  vigorously  defended  for  an  hour.  After  this  the  Sire 
de  Montcler,  observing  that  the  besiegers  were  continually 
sending  reinforcements  to  this  point,  withdrew  his  troops 
into  the  barbican,  K,  and  the  boulevard,  E,  which  enabled 
the  artillerymen  posted  in  the  tower,  G,  to  keep  up  a brisk 
fire  from  their  bombard  and  their  small  cannon  upon  the 
assailants. 

From  the  boulevard,  E,  the  besieged,  in  spite  of  the  pro- 
jectiles they  received  in  their  rear,  sheltering  themselves  as 
best  they  could,  discharged  volleys  of  stones  with  their 
culverins  on  the  point  occupied  by  the  enemy.  The  latter 
sought  to  avoid  them  by  descending  a short  distance  below 
the  ridge  of  the  plateau  ; but  they  were  none  the  less  ex- 
posed there  to  the  fire  from  the  tower,  G.  They  brought 
up  gabions  and  fascines,  and  endeavoured  to  gain  a foot- 
ing on  this  flank,  not  without  some  loss,  when  about  three 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon  another  attack  was  contrived 
against  the  flank,  D.  Passing  round  the  end  of  the  in 
trenchment,  and  hastening  with  all  speed  along  the  slopes, 
the  enemy  attempted  to  take  the  defenders  in  the  rear. 
This  attack  was  unsuccessful.  Those  who  served  the 
bombards  and  culverins  of  the  tower,  H,  seized  the  right 


THE  FIFTH  STFGE. 


245 


moment  for  discharging  volleys  against  this  column  of  as- 
sailants, which  made  deep  lanes  in  the  battalions.  These, 
moreover,  who  were  retired  within  the  barbican,  precipi- 
tated down  the  slopes  those  of  the  enemy  who  had  already 
passed  beyond  the  intrenchment  ; and  the  struggle  ceased 
towards  evening,  the  besieger  occupying  the  point  C alone, 
without  being  able  to  advance.  He  was  endeavouring  to 
find  shelter  there,  both  against  the  projectiles  and  against 
any  attack  in  retaliation.  The  citizens  had  lost  only  a few 
men  and  a culverin.  The  enemy  reckoned  one  hundred 
and  fifty  dead,  and  a large  number  of  wounded. 

During  the  night  the  Sire  de  Montcler  brought  up  fas- 
cines, casks,  and  timber  débris  with  which  he  raised  a bar- 
ricade connecting  the  barbican  with  the  boulevard  along 
the  road,  and  a second  connecting  the  eastern  extremity 
of  the  intrenchment,  D,  with  the  fausse-braie  of  the  tower,  H, 
along  the  ridge  of  the  plateau.  He  brought  up  one  of  the 
reserve  culverins,  and  mounted  it  in  the  centre  of  the  first 
barricade,  then,  with  gabions,  he  strengthened  the  shelters 
and  parados  of  the  boulevard.  The  bombard  was  re- 
mounted as  well  as  it  could  be,  and  directed  against  the 
point,  C,  of  the  intrenchment,  And  a second  bombard 
was  brought  from  the  abbey  to  the  platform  of  the 
tower  G. 

On  his  side,  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  had  not  re- 
mained inactive.  At  the  point,  I,  an  earthwork  was 
raised  with  gabionades,  and  two  bombards  were  brought 
thither.  The  point  captured  was  strengthened  by  great 
gabions,  all  covered  with  fascines,  and  well  furnished  with 
small  cannon.  These  works  were  scarcely  terminated  when 
the  day  broke  (September  19th).  It  was  the  besieged  who 
began  to  direct  the  fire  of  their  bombard  from  the  boule- 
vard, E,  against  the  point  C. 

Immediately  one  of  the  bombards  from  the  platform,  L, 


246 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


replied,  while  the  other  discharged  balls  on  the  tower  G, 
whose  pieces  were  not  slow  in  responding.  Then  the 
bombards  of  the  cavaliers  A and  B joined  in  as  on  the 
previous  day.  The  fire  of  these  five  pieces,  converging 
at  once  on  the  boulevard,  soon  threw  down  the  gabion- 
ades, killed  most  of  the  artillerymen,  and  dismounted  the 
bombard  a second  time.  This  defence  was  no  longer 
tenable.  However,  the  governor  would  not  yet  abandon 
the  advanced  work  : protecting  his  men  as  best  he  could 
along  the  interior  slopes,  he  sent  for  five  hundred  Germans 
held  in  reserve  in  the  abbey,  and  when  duly  marshalled, 
at  a signal  agreed  upon,  all  the  pieces  of  the  tower  G,  the 
culverins  of  the  barricade,  and  another  culverin  that  had 
remained  in  battery  on  the  boulevard,  fired  at  once  on 
the  point  C ; and  immediately  putting  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  Germans  and  one  hundred  volunteers,  among 
whom  were  most  of  the  Burgundian  men-at-arms,  crossed 
the  barricade  and  charged  the  enemy’s  position,  who, 
surprised  by  this  bold  attack,  defended  themselves  but 
feebly,  and  were  partly  driven  on  the  slopes  of  the  plateau. 
Messire  Charles  d'Amboise,  who  was  on  the  platform  I, 
seeing  this  rebuff,  threw  two  large  battalions,  held  in 
reserve  behind  the  earthwork,  against  the  intrenchment 
between  the  point  C and  the  boulevard. 

His  men  crossed  the  obstacle  quickly  enough,  in  spite 
of  the  barricade  and  the  defenders  posted  at  this  point, 
and  attacked  the  troop  of  the  besieged  in  flank  and  in 
rear.  In  the  midst  of  this  mêlée , the  artillerymen  on 
both  sides  were  prevented  from  firing  ; it  was  a combat 
with  sharp  weapons  only.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  found 
himself  much  jeopardised  when,  from  the  barbican  and 
the  boulevard,  those  who  were  on  the  field,  although  they 
had  orders  not  to  quit  their  posts,  fell  in  their  turn  on  the 
troop  of  besiegers.  Immediately  dividing  his  forces  into 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


247 


two  bodies,  the  governor  was  able  with  one  to  hold  his 
ground  against  the  assailants  thrown  on  the  slopes,  and 
with  the  other  to  make  head  against  the  French,  in  their 
turn  attacked  on  both  sides. 

The  conflict  was  sanguinary.  The  besiegers,  driven 
back  against  the  intrenchment,  could  neither  deploy  nor 
manœuvre.  Mesrire  Charles  d’Amboise  sent  a reinforce- 
ment, but  the  bombardiers  of  the  tower  G,  at  the  risk  of 
killing  some  of  their  own  party,  discharged  stone  balls  and 
leaden  bullets  over  the  intrenchment  at  the  fresh  troops. 
Some  well-aimed  shots  threw  this  battalion  into  confu- 
sion, as  the  soldiers  could  not  see  what  was  taking  place  in 
the  interior,  and  were  besides  exposed  to  projectiles  thrown 
by  defenders  mounted  on  the  salient  of  the  intrench- 
ment.  In  fact  the  utmost  these  last  comers  could  do  was 
to  facilitate  the  retreat  of  their  comrades,  which  had 
become  a very  perilous  one.  The  outwork  was  therefore 
recovered  by  the  besieged — were  they  able  to  keep  it  ? 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  saw  that  it  was  not  prudent 
to  hurry  on  an  attack,  and  that  in  the  face  of  a resolute 
garrison  he  must  determine  to  proceed  methodically.  As 
the  last  rays  of  daylight  faded  the  besiegers  had  all  re- 
passed the  intrenchment  conquered  the  day  before,  and 
were  leaving  on  the  field  more  than  a hundred  dead, 
wounded,  and  prisoners. 

They  had  been  obliged  to  abandon  the  culverin  they 
had  seized.  The  wounded  were  transported  to  the  abbey 
and  consigned  to  the  care  of  the  monks,  who  attended 
to  them  as  well  as  to  the  wounded  among  the  besieged. 
The  prisoners  were  shut  up  in  the  castle,  where  they  were 
well  treated.  Some  Swiss  were  among  them. 

It  was  painful  to  the  Sire  de  Montcler  to  abandon  the 
outwork  after  this  success  ; but  it  was  evident  that  the 
besiegers  would  make  new  efforts  to  seize  it,  since  the 


248 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


place  was  accessible  only  on  that  side,  and  many  men 
must  be  sacrificed  in  retaining  it.  Now  the  garrison  had 
suffered  in  the  last  struggle  losses  at  least  equivalent  to 
those  of  the  enemy;  and  these  losses  could  not  be  re- 
paired, while  the  troops  of  the  king  of  France  would 
be  reinforced,  if  necessary.  The  Swiss  prisoners,  when 
questioned,  had  not  concealed  the  fact  that  the  enemy 
might  reckon  upon  a fresh  body  of  their  own  countrymen, 
five  hundred  in  number,  before  long. 

At  nightfall  therefore  the  governor  assembled  the  cap- 
tains of  the  various  posts  and  the  Burgundian  lords,  and 
spoke  to  them  as  follows  : — “ Gentlemen,  our  troops  have 
displayed  courage  and  intelligence  in  this  day’s  struggle  ; 
and  this  assures  us  success,  with  the  help  of  God.  Though 
inferior  to  the  enemy  in  numbers,  we  have  defended  and 
recovered  the  outwork  ; it  would  therefore  be  possible  to 
keep  it.  Yet  we  cannot  do  so  without  directing  all  our 
means  of  resistance  to  this  point,  and  imposing  a severe 
task  on  the  garrison.  We  should  be  rapidly  exhausting 
our  strength,  while  the  enemy,  which  is  much  more 
numerous  than  we,  can  employ  fresh  troops  every  day. 
It  would  seem  wise,  then,  to  abandon  this  outwork,  ex- 
posed to  the  batteries  of  the  enemy,  and  to  retire  behind 
the  ramparts  ; but  besides  the  disinclination  which  men 
of  honour  must  feel  for  retreating,  after  a success  has 
been  gained,  and  not  trying  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
advantages  they  have  secured,  there  is  the  consideration 
that  if  we  abandon  the  boulevard  this  defence  will  be 
turned  against  us  by  the  besieger,  and  will  support  him 
in  attacking  our  front.  I have,  therefore,  resolved  to 
unite  this  boulevard  with  the  extremities  of  the  curtains 
by  two  intrenchments,  which  will  be  flanked  by  the 
towers.  This  very  night  we  must  begin  ; and  if  we  have 
not  finished  the  works  to-morrow  morning  we  must 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


249 


defend  our  present  intrenchment,  that  we  may  secure  time 
to  finish  the  new  one.  Be  so  good,  therefore,  as  to 
assemble  the  townspeople  in  their  various  quarters  within 
an  hour,  and  let  them  be  in  readiness  on  the  ground  to 
work  at  the  said  intrenchments.” 


Fig.  54 


The  orders  of  the  governor  were  peremptory,  and  about 
nine  o’clock  four  hundred  workmen,  and  even  women, 
issued  by  the  north  gate  to  raise  the  earthworks  marked 
out  on  the  ground  by  the  engineer  (Fig.  54).  This  in- 
trenchment  consisted  of  a small  ditch  with  an  earthwork 


250 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


surmounted  by  stakes,  rubbish  from  the  demolition 
of  houses  in  the  town,  fascines,  and  barrels  filled  with 
earth.  On  the  western  side  it  started  from  the  boulevard 
at  N,  and  joined  the  fosse  of  the  curtain  at  L,  leaving  a 
passage  of  twenty-four  feet  between  its  extremity  and 
the  ditch.  On  the  eastern  side  it  reached  the  entrance 
of  the  boulevard  O,  and  followed  the  line  O M,  with  a 
similar  passage  at  M.  At  R and  P two  culverins  were 
mounted,  protected  by  strong  gabionades.  On  the  enemy’s 
side  an  embankment,  with  platform  and  gabions,  had 
been  raised  at  S,  and  the  two  bombards  of  the  cava- 
lier, B,  were  mounted  on  this  platform.  At  T,  Messire 
Charles  d’Amboise  had  placed  a culverin,  protected  by  a 
gabionade. 

The  bombards  of  the  cavalier  B were  replaced  by  three 
veuglaires  to  crush  the  battery*  S,  if  the  besieged,  taking 
the  offensive,  endeavoured  to  seize  it. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  September  the  works  of 
the  besieged  were  almost  completed,  or  at  any  rate  were 
high  enough  to  present  an  obstacle  to  the  assailant.  The 
boulevard,  E,  had  been  well  furnished  with  fascines  and 
gabions  that  very  night.  The  bombard,  remounted,  swept 
the  point  C,  and  the  two  culverins  the  exterior.  The  in- 
trenchment,  C D,  was  strongly  occupied  by  the  defenders 
at  the  break  of  day  with  small  cannon  and  powerful 
catapults.  The  barricades  on  the  flanks,  V and  X,  were 
strengthened.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  sent  two  hundred 
men  to  the  boulevard,  E,  with  orders  to  keep  under  cover 
as  far  as  possible,  and  to  use  their  weapons  only  in  case  of 
the  intrenchment  being  forced.  The  attack  commenced 
about  six  o’clock.  The  two  bombards,  S,  discharged  stone 
balls  on  the  salient  of  the  intrenchment  and  on  the  bou- 
levard ; at  the  same  time  the  two  pieces,  I and  T,  directed 
their  fire  on  the  epaulement,  C,  and  the  interval,  S T,  was 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


251 


occupied  by  arbalisters  and  men  who  served  the  small 
cannon  under  cover  of  mantelets.  From  the  cavalier,  A,  the 
bombards  continued  to  discharge  balls  broadcast  on  the 
boulevard  E,  as  on  the  previous  days.  From  the  platform 
of  this  cavalier  A,  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  had  observed 
the  intrenchment  which  the  besieged  had  raised  during  the 
night  ; he  therefore  resolved  to  bring  all  his  efforts  to  bear 
on  the  salient  and  the  boulevard.  With  this  view,  about 
eight  o’clock,  he  brought  up  two  culverins  at  Y,  which, 
protected  by  gabions,  were  also  made  to  do  duty.  The 
besieged  replied  only  with  their  small  cannon  and  the  two 
culverins  of  the  epaulements,  C and  D,  and  their  arbalisters. 
They  were  husbanding  their  fire  for  the  moment  of  assault. 
At  noon,  the  salient  of  the  intrenchment  was  broken 
down,  and  the  escarpment  of  the  boulevard  was  greatly 
damaged.  The  defenders  were  driven  from  their  position 
at  z ; their  culverin,  C,  was  dismounted,  and  the  western 
epaule  rendered  untenable.  They  dispersed  or  took  refuge 
along  the  intrenchment  from  Z to  D,  which  was  less  ex- 
posed. The  Sire  de  Montcler  gave  orders  to  return  within 
the  second  intrenchment.  They  brought  away  the  cul- 
verin D,  which  was  mounted  at  the  extremity  L ; but 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  the  piece  C after  having 
spiked  it.  As  soon  as  Charles  d’Amboise  saw  the  be- 
sieged abandon  his  intrenchment  he  ceased  firing,  and, 
having  marshalled  an  assaulting  column  furnished  with 
ladders,  poles,  and  cutlasses,  ordered  it  to  cross  the  ruined 
salient  and  assault  the  boulevard  without  giving  the  enemy 
breathing  time.  This  was  the  moment  for  which  the  com- 
mandant was  waiting.  As  soon  as  he  saw  this  column 
begin  to  move  and  pass  the  intrenchment,  he  directed 
upon  it  a simultaneous  fire  from  the  pieces  of  the  two 
towers  G and  H,  the  two  culverins  mounted  on  the  boule- 
vard, and  all  the  small  cannon.  The  assaulting  column, 


252 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


thus  taken  obliquely  and  in  front,  hesitated  and  fell  back  ; 
when  it  was  greeted  by  a shower  of  crossbow  bolts  from 
the  ramparts  of  the  boulevard.  It  rallied,  however,  behind 
the  battery  S,  which  discharged  a volley  upon  the  boule- 
vard, and,  turning  slightly  on  its  right  so  as  at  least  to 
shelter  itself  from  the  fire  of  the  tower  H,  it  passed  the 
intrenchment  once  more  and  threw  its  scaling  ladders  on 
the  escarpment  of  the  boulevard.  The  defenders  sustained 
the  assault  resolutely.  The  tower,  G,  then  began  to  fire 
on  the  assailants  as  well  as  the  culverins  brought  up  at 
L and  P. 

The  besiegers  suffered  severe  losses.  On  two  occasions 
some  of  their  number  reached  the  parapet,  but  could  not 
hold  their  ground.  They  did  not  fall  back,  however  ; and 
most  of  them  heated  by  the  fight,  not  obeying  or  not 
hearing  the  voice  of  their  captains,  advanced  along  the 
new  intrenchment  N L,  hoping  to  force  it,  for  it  was  but 
weak.  In  fact,  in  a few  moments  this  defence  was  passed, 
and  the  assailants  then  endeavoured  to  take  the  boulevard 
by  the  gorge.  The  defenders  posted  between  C and  M 
seeing  themselves  taken  in  rear,  took  refuge,  some  in 
the  boulevard  and  others  in  barbican  K.  A hand  to 
hand  fight  began  in  this  tr  angle.  In  this  mêlée  the 
garrison  dared  not  shoot  from  the  curtain.  The  Sire  de 
Montcler,  who  was  in  the  barbican,  then  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  his  men  and  encouraged  them  by  saying  that 
the  enemy  was  taken  in  a snare  from  which  he  could  not 
escape  ; he  sallied  forth  in  good  order,  driving  the 
scattered  assailants  before  him  as  far  as  the  gorge  of  the 
boulevard,  which  was  crowded  by  the  defenders,  crying 
“Burgundy!  Burgundy!”  (Fig.  55).  The  works  of  this 
boulevard  were  commanded  by  a cool-headed  captain, 
who  was  able  to  prevent  his  men  from  being  disturbed  by 
the  struggle  going  on  behind  them  ; and  who  maintained 


Fig.  ss-— Assault  on  the  Boulevakd. 


254 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


his  ground  against  the  assault— now  diminishing  in  vigour 
— issued  from  the  gorge,  and  rallying  all  the  panic- 
stricken  soldiers  who  were  massed  together  at  this  point, 
rushed  on  the  enemy.  The  French  were  then  obliged  to 
retreat  as  best  they  could,  not  without  leaving  many  of 
their  men  on  the  field.  But  it  was  evident  that  the 
boulevard  P could  hold  out  no  longer.  Surrounded  by 
the  enemy’s  fire,  and  the  outer  intrenchment  taken,  a fresh 
assault  would  place  it  in  the  power  of  the  enemy.  Its 
parapets  were  ruined,  and  its  three  pieces  disabled.  All 
night  the  besiegers  occupied  both  sides  of  the  intrench- 
ments  N,  L,  O,  M and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  to  hinder 
the  besieged  from  reinforcing  this  defence.  The  Sire  de 
Montcler  determined,  though  with  regret,  and  only  to 
avoid  a useless  sacrifice  of  life,  to  give  the  orders  required 
for  bringing  back  into  the  town  such  pieces  of  ordnance 
as  were  still  serviceable.  He  was  obliged  to  abandon 
the  bombard,  of  which  indeed  the  besiegers  could  make 
no  use.  Two  of  the  five  culverins  were  placed  on  the 
platforms  of  the  great  towers,  and  the  three  others  on 
terraces  raised  behind  the  curtain,  together  with  three 
pieces  taken  from  the  reserve. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2 1st  of  September,  the  besiegers 
found  the  outwork  abandoned  ; but  in  occupying  it  them- 
selves they  were  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  two  great 
bombards  of  the  towers  and  of  ten  culverins,  which  did 
not  cease  to  fire  on  the  boulevard  and  the  intrenchment. 

Towards  evening,  however,  they  had  succeeded  in  open- 
ing a wide  breach  in  the  boulevard,  opposite  the  gorge, 
and  inclosing  the  latter.  They  were  occupied  all  night  in 
restoring  its  slopes  and  parapets  in  front  of  the  town,  and 
raising  platforms  and  mounting  three  bombards  on  the 
boulevard. 

At  the  two  epaulements  of  the  intrenchment  C,  D they 


ATTACK  ON  THE  OLD  FRONT. 


COOPER  A H0060N ,UTH f!86  STRAND 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


255 


raised  two  gabioned  cavaliers,  and  placed  a bombard  and 
two  veuglaires  on  each  of  them. 

On  the  2 1 st  of  September,  these  works  having  been 
terminated  by  noon  in  spite  of  the  fire  of  the  besieged, 
one  of  the  bombards  of  the  boulevard  discharged  its  stone 
balls  at  the  gate,  the  two  others  at  the  two  towers.  At 
the  same  time  the  veuglaires  of  the  cavaliers  fired  on 
these  towers  with  iron  balls  and  the  bombards  with  their 
stone  balls.  These  projectiles  left  only  feeble  traces  on 
the  masonry,  but  often  threw  down  the  gabionades  and  the 
parapets,  and  dismounted  the  pieces  (Fig.  56).1 

This  artillery  fight  lasted  till  evening  ; on  both  sides 
pieces  had  been  dismounted  or  were  silenced  ; and  the 
whole  of  the  night  was  employed  both  by  besieger  and 
besieged  in  replacing  the  cannon  on  their  repaired 
carriages  or  in  bringing  up  new  pieces. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  was  irritated  ; the  affair  was 
advancing  but  slowly.  He  had  already  received  pressing 
letters  from  the  king  ; for  Louis  XI.  was  afraid  that  a pro- 
longed resistance  would  determine  the  other  parts  of  Bur- 
gundy which  had  remained  faithful  to  the  court  of  France, 
to  declare  for  the  young  duchess.  He  knew  that  emis- 
saries of  Maximilian  were  going  through  the  province  and 
endeavouring  to  persuade  the  authorities  of  the  great 
towns  that  the  king’s  army  was  feeble  and  disheartened  ; 
seeing  that,  in  spite  of  formidable  artillery,  twenty  days 
had  not  enabled  it  to  make  any  impression  on  the  little 
city  of  Roche-Pont. 

Although  the  besiegers  concentrated  their  fire,  the  num- 
ber of  pieces  mounted  by  them  was  inferior  to  that  of  the 
cannon  of  the  besieged.  The  stone  balls  of  the  bombards 
did  no  great  damage  to  the  defences.  Messire  Charles 

1 In  this  figure  the  parts  coloured  red  indicate  the  works  occupied  by  the 
besieger  and  the  direction  of  his  fire. 


Fig  57 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE . 


257 


d’Amboise,  therefore,  during  the  night  intervening  between 
the  22nd  and  23rd,  raised  a cavalier  at  A,  strongly 
gabioned  and  terraced,  and  armed  it  with  three  large  cul- 
verins.  On  the  morning  of  the  23rd  of  September  the 
corner  tower,  G,  received  the  fire  of  five  pieces  loaded 
with  iron  ball  and  of  a bombard  discharging  stone  balls. 
After  two  hours’  fire  all  the  defences  of  the  platform  were 
knocked  down  and  the  three  pieces  dismounted,  the 
embrasures  of  the  tower  battery  shattered,  and  the  de- 
fenders killed  or  wounded.  Then  orders  were  given  that 
the  tower  should  be  fired  upon  only  by  two  pieces  from 
the  cavalier  C ; and  the  fire  of  the  three  culverins  of 
the  cavalier  A,  and  the  three  bombards  of  the  boulevard, 
concentrated  their  fire  on  the  gate  and  its  barbican. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  day  this  fine  gate  presented  the 
appearance  shown  in  Fig.  57.  In  the  evening  the  be- 
sieger’s pieces  that  had  not  been  dismounted — that  is  to 
say,  two  culverins  of  the  battery  A,  a veuglaire  of  the 
cavalier,  and  one  of  the  bombards  of  the  boulevard — con- 
centrated their  fire  on  the  terrace  P,  of  the  besieged.1 
By  evening  the  wall  was  dismantled,  the  gabionades 
tumbled  down,  and  only  one  of  the  three  culverins  was 
available.  However  there  was  no  breach,  and  an  assault 
could  not  be  attempted. 

The  Sire  de  Montcler  decided  that  he  must  at  all  risks 
retard  the  besieger’s  progress  if  he  could  do  nothing  more. 
He  reckoned  that  in  two  days  the  enemy  would  be  able  to 
effect  a breach,  either  by  his  cannon  or  by  mining,  and 
that  then  the  cité  must  be  taken  ; for  the  garrison  could 
not  long  hold  out  behind  the  interior  retrenchments.  In 
the  cannonade  of  the  preceding  days  the  Sire  de  Montcler 
had  lost  but  few  men,  and  his  reserve  force  had  not  been 
drawn  upon.  He  therefore  got  them  under  arms  about 
1 See  Fig.  56. 


S 


258 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


nine  o’clock,  summoned  a troop  of  one  hundred  well- 
mounted  horsemen,  and  gave  the  following  orders  : — The 
hundred  horsemen,  accompanied  by  a hundred  contilliers 
on  foot,  were  to  sally  forth  by  the  eastern  gate  against  the 
post  established  at  the  mills,  attack  the  small  encampment 
installed  in  the  meadows  below,  fall  back  by  the  road  skirt- 
ing the  plateau  on  the  east  side,  skirmish  on  the  outskirts 
of  the  French  camp,  or  cut  down  the  posts  they  came  upon 
on  their  way,  and  then  return  at  full  speed  to  the  east  gate. 
A second  body  of  a hundred  foot  soldiers  was  to  be  at 
the  cross  road  above  the  mills  to  protect  their  retreat. 
During  these  attacks,  designed  to  attract  the  enemy’s 
attention  to  the  left,  a troop  of  five  hundred  men  on 
foot  would  issue  from  a masked  postern  giving  egress 
below  the  front  of  the  abbey  on  the  west,  and  filing  off 
along  the  ramparts,  vigorously  attack  the  cavalier  C,  and 
the  batter}"  A,  spike  the  pieces,  and  do  all  possible  damage. 
It  was  to  retire  by  the  same  way,  protected  by  the  western 
ramparts. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  was  too  experienced  a war- 
rior to  fail  in  pushing  his  advantage.  He  knew  that 
success,  especially  in  sieges,  ultimately  accrues  to  him 
who  leaves  the  enemy  no  repose,  and  does  not  fall  asleep 
when  his  first  advantage  has  been  gained.  The  north 
front  of  the  place  was  rendered  powerless  ; but  an  ener- 
getic governor  of  a town  may,  in  a single  night,  accu- 
mulate many  obstacles,  devise  a hundred  stratagems,  and 
very  greatly  hinder  the  efficiency  uf  an  attack.  Charles 
d’Amboise  had  therefore  resolved  to  have  fascines  con- 
veyed to  the  ditch  by  a body  of  a thousand  men,  some 
yards  from  the  great  tower  of  the  corner  G,  and  to 
attempt  an  escalade,  while  the  ordnance,  firing  on  this 
tower  at  discretion,  hindered  the  defenders  from  fortifying 
the  platform  again.  He  had  observed  the  embrasure  on 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


259 

the  flank  of  this  tower  raking  the  ditch,  and  had  sum- 
moned a body  of  twenty  men,  furnished  with  mattresses, 
and  pieces  of  wood  to  mask  it.  As  regarded  the  fansse- 
braie , that  was  ruined,  and  could  not  present  any  serious 
obstacle. 

The  Sire  de  Montcler  had  some  reason  to  expect  a 
night  attack;  but  he  intended  to  be  beforehand  with  it, 
and  crush  it  in  the  bud.  “ Whatever  happens,”  he  said  to 
the  troops  ordered  for  the  sorties,  “act  according  to  your 
instructions  : do  not  allow  yourselves  to  be  diverted  by 
any  attempt  at  an  assault  ; on  the  contrary,  execute  the 
orders  given  you  to  the  letter.  We  are  still  numerous 
enough  to  sustain  an  attack.” 

At  a quarter  past  ten  the  two  detachments  were  in  the 
act  of  issuing  forth  by  the  eastern  gate  and  by  the  abbey 
postern.  The  governor  then  mounted  the  debris  of  the 
defences  of  the  tower  at  the  corner  C,  and  attentively  ex- 
amined the  attitude  of  the  enemy.  The  fires  they  had 
lighted  were  no  longer  to  be  seen  ; but,  on  listening, 
he  heard  indistinct  sounds  along  the  works  of  the  be- 
sieger. The  sky  was  overcast,  and  drops  of  rain  were  in 
falling.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  descended  to  the  lower 
battery  ; all  the  embrasures  fronting  the  exterior  were  fn 
ruins,  and  all  the  pieces  of  ordnance  covered  with  rub- 
bish. The  embrasure  of  the  flank  was  intact,  and  the 
small  piece  with  which  it  was  furnished  was  in  good  con- 
dition. He  had  it  loaded  in  his  presence  with  nails  and 
old  iron,  and  gave  orders  to  those  serving  it  not  to  fire  till 
they  saw  the  enemy  a few  paces  off  ; behind  this  piece  he 
had  a second  placed  similarly  loaded,  so  that  two  volleys 
might  be  discharged  one  after  the  other.  Then  he  went 
up  again  to  the  rampart  walk  of  the  curtain,  and  himself 
drew  up  his  men,  who  were  armed  with  long  bills  and 
good  daggers  and  axes.  He  next  visited  the  ruined  gate, 


2ÔO 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


It  presented  such  a pile  of  rubbish  that  the  enemy  would 
not  have  been  able  to  pass  it  in  the  night  ; nevertheless 
in  every  corner  he  posted  troops,  with  orders  not  to  use 
their  weapons  till  they  found  themselves  face  to  face  with 
the  enemy,  to  observe  absolute  silence,  and  not  to  shout 
during  the  fight.  This  done,  he  placed  a reserve  of  two 
hundred  men  behind  the  interior  retrenchment,  and  fifty 
men,  furnished  with  tarred  bundles  of  straw,  on  the  ridge 
of  this  retrenchment,  with  orders  to  kindle  them  when 
they  heard  the  cry  “ Burgundy  ! ” 

About  three-quarters  past  ten  the  Sire  de  Montcler 
again  ascended  the  platform  of  the  corner  tower,  and  re- 
cognised the  presence  of  the  enemy  some  yards  from  the 
ditch.  Notwithstanding  the  darkness,  he  could  see  a 
black  mass  deploying  in  silence  ; then  he  heard  the  fas- 
cines rolling  into  the  fosse  and  the  wood  cracking  under 
the  men’s  feet.  In  a few  minutes,  about  fifty  ladders  were 
set  up  against  the  curtain,  and  each  of  them  was  covered 
by  the  enemy.  These  ladders  were  provided  with  hooks 
at  the  top  and  stays  along  the  sides,  so  that  the  defenders 
could  not  throw  them  down  : two,  however,  fell,  dragging 
the  assailants  with  them. 

At  this  moment  the  small  pieces  of  ordnance  on  the 
flank  of  the  tower  fired,  and  the  cries  of  the  wounded 
resounded  from  the  ditch,  while  three  more  ladders  were 
broken  and  fell.  The  hosts  of  assailants  surged  over  on 
the  rampart  walk,  and  at  the  cry  of  “ Burgundy  ! ” the 
fires  having  been  kindled,  the  encounter  with  keen 
weapons  in  this  narrow  space  presented  the  strangest 
spectacle. 

The  artillery  of  the  besieged  was  then  directed  to  the 
flank  of  the  curtain  and  the  exterior,  from  the  platform 
of  the  corner  tower  ; while  shouts  arose  from  this  battery, 
and  the  five  hundred  Burgundians  who  were  ordered  to  the 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


261 


sortie  on  the  west  began  an  attack,  and  the  troops  that 
were  preparing  to  reinforce  the  assault  turned  t.ieir  backs 
to  the  town  to  fail  on  this  attacking  body. 

The  Sire  de  Montcler  heard  shouting  in  the  distance 
on  the  north-east  side,  and  saw  a bright  gleam  through 
the  darkness.  He  then  went  down  to  bring  his  reserves 
to  the  curtain.  The  French,  however,  succeeded  in  getting 
to  the  top  of  the  rampart,  and  reached  the  corner  tower. 
The  few  men  who  were  on  the  summit  of  the  dismantled 
platform  struggled  bravely  until  the  moment  when  the 
reserve  sent  by  the  governor,  ascending  the  incline  on 
which  the  artillery  was  posted,  fell  on  the  French,  and 
drove  them  back  to  the  rampart  walk  of  the  curtain.  The 
assailants  then  forming  in  a column  on  the  rampart  walk, 
directed  a vigorous  attack  against  the  tower.  From  the 
interior  retrenchment,  showers  of  bolts,  arrows,  and  small- 
shot  were  discharged  upon  them  in  flank  ; and  although 
they  had  bucklers,  the  French  lost  a great  many.  As  the 
rampart  walk  was  narrow,  the  head  of  the  column  could 
present  only  three  men  abreast,  and  was  met  by  a com- 
pact mass  of  defenders.  It  was  not  advancing  ; the  soldiers 
in  the  rear,  who  were  exposed  to  darts  in  flank,  were 
pressing  on  those  before  them  in  order  to  force  the  plat- 
form and  fight.  In  this  press  many  fell  mutilated  within 
the  town.  One  of  the  culverineers  of  the  tower,  aided  by 
a dozen  men,  had  succeeded  during  the  struggle  in  getting 
a culverin  out  of  the  rubbish  and  carrying  it  without  its 
carriage,  loaded,  into  the  midst  of  the  group  of  Bur- 
gundians defending  the  passage.  Thrusting  the  mouth 
of  the  piece  between  their  legs,  he  fired  it  : the  ball,  and 
the  stones  with  which  the  bore  of  the  culverin  had  been 
filled,  made  a frightful  lane  in  the  compact  body  of  the 
French  : some  leaped  down  into  the  town,  others  ran 
towards  the  towers  of  the  gateway,  and  several  climbed 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


262 

the  parapet  to  regain  their  ladders.  The  Burgundians 
made  another  rush  along  the  rampart,  killing  all  who 
resisted. 

But  at  that  juncture  a large  body  of  the  French  issued 
forth  through  the  gate  of  the  lower  battery.  By  aid  of 
pickaxes  and  crowbars  they  had  succeeded,  after  filling  up 
the  ditch  with  fascines,  in  enlarging  the  openings  of  two 
of  the  embrasures,  already  broken  down  by  the  cannon  ; 
then,  throwing  into  these  openings  lighted  bundles  of 
straw  and  tar  mixed  with  gunpowder  so  as  to  drive  away 
the  defenders,  they  had  made  their  way  into  the  interior 
at  the  risk  of  being  themselves  suffocated  by  the  smoke, 
and  rushing  towards  the  gate,  killing  the  few  that  had 
remained  in  the  battery,  they  had  forced  the  doors  and 
made  an  entrance  for  their  comrades  by  the  same  road. 
Issuing  forth  into  the  town  they  ascended  the  incline  at 
full  speed.1  The  cry  df  victory  on  the  part  of  the  Bur- 
gundians was  answered  by  cries  of  “ France  ! d’Amboise  !” 
These  shouts  revived  the  courage  of  the  French  who  had 
remained  on  the  rampart,  and  they  renewed  the  attack. 
The  Sire  de  Montcler  despatched  his  last  reserves  against 
the  new  comers,  but  they  continued  to  pour  out  on  level 
ground  and  fought  valiantly.  Their  number  was  increas- 
ing every  moment,  and  they  succeeded  in  driving  back  the 
reserves  to  the  retrenchment.  The  Burgundians,  cooped 
up  on  the  platform  of  the  tower,  surrendered  after  having 
lost  half  their  men.  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  ordered 
that  they  should  be  honourably  treated.  The  tower  of 
the  north-west  salient  was  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  as 
well  as  the  whole  of  the  curtain  stretching  from  this  tower 
to  the  north  gate. 

Day  was  breaking  when  the  combat  ceased,  and  some, 
hours’  repose  were  needed  on  both  sides.  The  corner 

1 See  Fig.  50. 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


263 


tower  was  lost  to  the  besieged  ; the  governor  strongly 
barricaded  the  adjoining  tower  opening  on  to  the  curtain, 
and  placed  a number  of  small  cannon  in  the  upper  story 
of  this  tower.  He  had  done  the  same  on  the  broken 
summit  of  the  western  tower  of  the  gate.  He  wished  to 
hinder  the  enemy  from  gaining  ground  on  the  curtains,  and 
outflanking— particularly  on  his  right — the  retrenchment 
connected  with  the  old  wall  surrounding  the  abbey,  and 
meeting  the  tower  on  the  north-east  corner.1 

A short  time  before  the  end  of  the  struggle,  the  two 
bodies  destined  for  the  sorties  were  on  their  return,  the 
foot  soldiers  through  the  abbey  postern,  and  the  men-at- 
arms,  not  through  the  east  gate,  but  through  that  near  the 
castle  on  the  west.  The  foot  soldiers  brought  in  a hun- 
dred prisoners  ; the  horse  had  lost  a third  of  their  party. 
The  fortune  of  these  two  bodies  had  been  as  follows  : — The 
foot  soldiers,  operating  on  the  left,  had  come  upon  the 
enemy  unawares,  making  their  way  through  the  brush- 
wood of  the  western  slope  of  the  plateau  as  far  as  the 
gorge  of  the  enemy’s  battery,  C,2  had  fallen  on  the  guard, 
spiked  the  guns,  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  confusion, 
had  taken  the  attacking  column  in  flank,  had  entered  the  bat- 
tery, A,  whose  pieces  they  had  also  spiked,  but,  seeing  them- 
selves too  far  advanced,  had  beat  a retreat,  descending  the 
slopes  straight  towards  the  west.  As  they  were  not  vigor- 
ously pursued,  they  had  entered  the  lower  town,  surprised 
and  captured  two  bodies  of  guards,  set  fire  to  some  huts 
erected  by  the  besiegers,  and  regained  the  town.  Charles 
d’Amboise,  at  first  surprised  by  the  audacity  of  the  attack, 
but  quickly  perceiving  that  it  could  do  him  no  serious 
damage,  had  given  the  strictest  orders  that  nothing  should 
divert  his  men  from  the  assault,  and  had  contented  him- 
self with  sending  against  the  troops  of  the  besieged  two 
1 See  Fig.  48  2 See  Fig.  56. 


2Ô4 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


or  three  hundred  men  to  keep  them  back  and  compel 
them  to  seek  the  slopes,  without  troubling  to  pursue  them. 
The  men-at-arms  had  followed  the  governor’s  instructions, 
had  fallen  upon  the  small  encampment  above  the  mills, 
and,  leaving  the  cotitilliers  there  to  complete  their  com- 
mission (the  latter  had  re-entered  about  two  o’clock  in 
the  morning  by  the- east  gate),  they  had  pursued  the  road 
indicated  as  far  as  the  base  of  the  plateau,  and  had  ar- 
rived without  hindrance  at  the  boundary  of  the  French 
camp,  charging  the  posts  in  a direct  line  at  full  speed. 

This  attack  had  thrown  confusion  into  that  part  of  the 
camp  which  was  occupied  by  the  baggage,  the  carts,  and 
camp  servants.  Stacks  of  forage  had  caught  fire  amid 
the  disorder  thus  occasioned.  But  the  assailants  had  soon 
observed  three  or  four  hundred  horsemen  close  upon  them  ; 
they  had  then  made  straight  for  the  north,  and  buried 
themselves  in  the  thick  woods  upon  their  right  ; they 
next  wheeled  towards  the  left,  reached  the  banks  of  the 
stream,  whose  left  bank  they  followed  without  interrup- 
tion, but  with  the  loss  of  a third  of  their  comrades,  who 
had  strayed,  or  been  captured  or  killed.  They  supposed 
they  had  fallen  in  with  a body  of  the  French  in  the  lower 
town,  and  were  preparing  to  pass  it  at  a gallop,  but  they 
turned  out  to  be  the  Burgundian  foot  soldiers. 

Charles  d’Amboise,  at  the  first  report  of  this  attack 
on  the  rear  of  the  camp,  had  been  much  disquieted,  sup- 
posing that  succour  had  arrived  ; but  being  soon  cor- 
rectly informed,  had  sent  out  men-at-arms  to  cut  off 
this  body  of  adventurers,  and  was  only  the  more  eager  for 
the  assault. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  was  accustomed  (in  this  re- 
spect differing  from  the  warriors  of  the  time)  to  surround 
himself  with  young  captains  of  intelligence  and  energy, 
who  kept  him  constantly  informed  of  all  that  took  place 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE . 


265 


in  the  army,  during  the  march  and  on  the  field.  When 
the  information  furnished  was.  found  to  be  exact,  and 
was  reported  in  cool  discretion  and  without  exaggeration, 
Charles  d’Amboise  would  praise  these  young  officers  in 
presence  of  all  his  captains,  and  recompense  them  liberally. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  the  reports  were  false  or  tainted  with 
exaggeration,  or  incomplete,  he  would  inflict  severe  and 
public  censure  on  the  reporters,  and  assign  them  some 
subaltern  and  humiliating  duty,  such  as  guarding  the 
baggage  or  superintending  the  camp  servants. 

When  Charles  d’Amboise  learned  next  morning  the 
damage  caused  on  the  border  of  the  camp  by  a few  Bur- 
gundian men-at-arms,  the  loss  of  his  men  encamped  at  the 
mill  and  in  the  lower  town,  and  the  spiking  of  six  of  his 
pieces  of  ordnance,  he  was  much  annoyed,  but  could  not 
refrain  from  saying  to  his  captains  : “ We  have  to  do  with 
brave  men,  who  defend  themselves  valiantly.  I beg  you, 
gentlemen,  to  take  care  that  their  wounded  and  prisoners 
be  treated  with  all  the  respect  due  to  soldiers  who  do 
their  duty.”  Then  about  the  second  hour  of  the  day  he 
sent  a herald  to  the  retrenchment  of  the  besieged,  to  ask 
a parley  with  the  governor.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  having 
ascended  the  terrace,  the  herald  spoke  as  follows  : “ Sir 
Governor!  Monseigneur  Charles  d’Amboise,  commanding 
the  army  of  our  lord  the  king  of  France,  sends  me  to 
you  to  require  of  you  to  render  up  the  town  and  castle 
of  Roche-Pont,  which  you  are  withholding  contrary  to  the 
treaties  and  defending  against  their  lawful  lord.  Hence- 
forward the  said  cité  is  in  the  power  of  the  army  of  our 
lord  the  king  of  France,  and  a longer  resistance  will  only 
cause  the  useless  loss  of  a great  number  of  brave  men. 
In  consideration  of  your  brave  and  noble  defence,  Mon- 
seigneur Charles  d’Amboise  will  let  you  go  forth — you 
and  your  men  — with  your  lives  and  property.  May  God 


266 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


have  you  in  his  keeping  and  guide  you  to  a wise  decision.” 
“Sir  messenger,”  replied  the  governor,  “Messire  Charles 
d’Amboise  is  a captain  too  well  acquainted  with  war  to 
think  himself  master  of  the  town  and  castle  of  Roche-Pont 
because  he  has  got  possession  of  a tower  and  a curtain. 
He  knows  what  it  has  cost  him  to  advance  even  so  far  ; 
and  there  is  still  a considerable  space  between  this  re- 
trenchment and  the  castle,  and  the  castle  is  good  and 
defensible.  I acknowledge  no  other  lawful  lords  of  Bur- 
gundy, and  of  this  city  in  particular,  than  the  Duchess 
of  Burgundy,  daughter  of  the  noble  and  puissant  Duke 
Charles,  and  her  illustrious  husband  Maximilian.  I am 
here  to  defend  their  property  against  all  comers,  and  I 
will  defend  it  as  long  as*  I have  a sword  in  my  hand. 
Nevertheless,  tell  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  that  if  he  is 
willing  to  exchange  prisoners,  man  for  man,  I am  prepared 
to  do  so.  If  he  prefers  to  leave  things  as  they  are,  I give 
him  my  word  of  honour  that  his  people  are  being  well 
treated.” 

“ Well,  then,”  said  Charles  d’Amboise,  when  the  herald 
had  conveyed  this  answer  to  him,  “ this  cité  will  be 
damaged  for  a long  time  to  come!” 

During  the  24th  of  September,  the  rain  did  not  cease  to 
fall  in  torrents.  Besiegers  and  besieged  were  at  a hundred 
paces  from  each  other.  They  were  employed  in  burying 
the  dead,  whose  numbers  were  especially  great  on  the 
side  of  the  French,  and  both  were  preparing  for  a fresh 
struggle,  though  the  bad  weather  greatly  impeded  the 
workers.  Figure  58  shows  the  position  of  the  besieged 
and  the  besiegers.1 

After  the  losses  sustained  since  the  commencement  of 
the  siege,  the  garrison  scarcely  reckoned  more  than  two 

1 The  black  lines  show  the  part  of  the  defence  still  occupied  by  the  besieged, 
the  red  lines  the  parts  gained  by  the  besiegers. 


FIC.  58 


TAKING  OF  AN  ARTILLERY  TOWER. 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


267 


thousand  available  men,  for  typhus  was  already  devastating 
the  town  ; three-fourths  of  the  wounded  crowded  together 
in  the  abbey  were  attacked  by  it.  The  good  monks  tended 
them  with  their  utmost  care,  but  they  themselves  were 
largely  sacrificed  to  the  contagion  ; and  of  a community  of 
a hundred  and  fifty  in  number  scarcely  more  than  fifty 
survived.  The  progress  of  the  besieger,  however,  seemed 
only  to  increase  the  determination  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
the  women  worked  heartily  at  the  defences.  They  were 
the  first  to  cry  shame  on  those  of  the  defenders  who 
manifested  despondency. 

During  the  night  between  the  24th  and  25th,  the  Sire  de 
Montcler  strengthened  the  retrenchment.  From  A to  B1 
he  took  advantage  of  the  ancient  enclosure-wall  of  the 
abbot’s  pleasance,  then  occupied  by  dwellings.  A cul- 
verin  was  mounted  on  a terrace  at  B.  The  retrenchment 
leading  from  C to  D,  which  had  been  made  of  earth  and 
the  débris  of  the  houses  demolished  at  this  point,  was 
armed  with  three  culverins  at  C,  at  E,  and  D. 

The  French  on  their  side  had  cleared  the  platform  of 
the  conquered  tower,  G,  had  well  gabioned  the  parapet, 
and  mounted  three  pieces  pointed  at  the  retrenchment, 
and  a spirole  directed  against  the  tower,  K,  which  remained 
in  the  power  of  the  Burgundians. 

The  women,  children,  and  old  men  were  employed  in 
strengthening  also  the  second  retrenchment,  I,  M,  behind 
the  abbey  wall,  and  the  junction,  M,  N.  This  second  re- 
trenchment was  armed  with  three  pieces.  Places  of  egress 
were  reserved  at  the  extremities  and  through  the  gate,  O, 
of  the  abbey. 

The  rain  continued  during  the  25th  of  September,  which 
passed  without  any  serious  engagement.  The  combatants 
were  trying  one  another’s  strength.  The  garrison  was  not 

1 Fig.  58. 


268 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


numerous  enough  to  allow  of  their  leaving  a post  at  the 
tête  du  pont.  This  work  was  abandoned  on  the  night 
between  the  25th  and  26th,  and  the  enemy  entered  it 
without  striking  a blow. 

But  as  they  were  fired  on  by  the  bombard  of  boulevard 
I,1  they  did  not  advance  along  the  ascent,  but  took  shelter 
behind  the  cavalier  of  the  left  bank.  The  Sire  de  Montcler 
conjectured,  however,  that  the  French  were  preparing  a 
real  or  feigned  attack  on  this  side. 

During  the  night,  thirty-six  feet  of  the  northern  curtain, 
near  the  tower,  G,  fell  into  the  ditch,  reaching  from  a to  b ; 
the  miners  had  been  working  for  two  days  to  accomplish 
this.  On  the  morning  of  the  26th  of  September,  the 
besiegers  opened  fire  against  the  retrenchment.  The 
dominant  position  of  the  tower,  G,  gave  them  a great 
advantage  ; and  though  the  garrison  did  their  best  to 
reply,  the  culverins,  C and  D,  were  dismounted  and  the 
gabions  thrown  down  about  noon,  when  orders  were  given 
for  the  assault.  A strong  column  of  infantry  advanced 
through  the  breach,  a b , cutlasses  in  hand,  and  in  fine 
order.  But  from  the  platform  of  the  tower,  F,  which  had 
remained  in  the  power  of  the  Burgundians,  two  culverins 
fired  simultaneously  on  this  column.  Messire  Charles 
d’Amboise  supposed  that  the  pieces  in  this  tower  had  been 
silenced,  and  so  they  had  been.  But  during  the  night,  the 
Sire  de  Montcler  had  hoisted  up  three  of  the  small  pieces 
of  the  lower  battery  through  the  vault  holes,  and  had 
masked  them  under  the  rubbish  of  the  parapets.  This 
discharge  produced  disorder  in  the  column  of  the  assail- 
ants. Fortunately  for  them,  the  pieces  of  the  outer  boule- 
vard, in  the  power  of  the  French,  began  to  fire  in  their 
turn  on  the  platform  of  the  tower,  P,  and  soon  silenced 
the  Burgundian  spiroles. 

1 See  Fig.  48. 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


269 


The  assault  was  vigorous,  well  directed  and  well  sus- 
tained, while  from  without  the  French  did  not  cease  firing 
on  the  gate  and  tower  F,  so  that  those  of  the  garrison 
who  had  remained  in  the  upper  works  of  the  gate  had  to 
abandon  them  and  escape  by  the  curtain  and  tower  F. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise,  standing  on  the  breach, 
a b,  was  continually  sending  reinforcements  to  the  assail- 
ants, and  when  he  saw  his  people  too  fatigued  he  would 
replace  them  by  fresh  troops.  The  Burgundians  had  not 
enough  men  to  do  the  like,  so  that  about  four  o’clock 
they  were  exhausted,  and  some  were  beginning  to  file  off 
along  the  ramparts.  At  length  a vigorous  effort  forced 
the  centre  of  the  retrenchment,  and  the  French  pushed 
forward  through  the  street  running  along  the  old  wall  of 
the  abbey.  The  Sire  de  Montcler,  however,  retreated  in 
good  order  in  three  columns,  two  along  the  ramparts,  and 
the  third  by  the  road  in  the  middle.  When  he  saw  his 
men  sheltered  behind  the  second  retrenchment,  he  dis- 
charged the  pierrier  placed  at  M,  and  the  culverin  mounted 
at  I,  so  that  the  assailants  fell  back  in  disorder.  Then, 
followed  by  some  brave  men — his  last  reserve — he  fell  on 
the  French  coming  along  by  the  abbey  and  the  western 
rampart.  From  the  top  of  this  rampart  the  assailants 
were  also  exposed  to  a shower  of  darts.  Night  was  ad- 
vancing : the  brave  men  who  had  kept  close  to  the 
governor  were  urging  forward,  attempting  to  recapture  the 
first  retrenchment.  Many  of  the  Burgundians  who  had 
retired  behind  the  second  retrenchment,  seeing  the  enemy 
fall  back,  began  to  issue  forth  in  their  turn,  filled  with 
fresh  ardour. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise.  however,  was  able  to  keep 
his  troops  at  the  first  retrenchment,  and  had  some  small 
pieces  brought  up  which  fired  on  the  groups  of  Burgun- 
dians who  were  still  distinguishable  in  the  torchlight. 


270 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


The  combat  lasted  thus  for  two  hours  more,  in  the  midst 
of  confusion,  and  the  Sire  de  Montcler  was  obliged  to 
sound  the  retreat  several  times  to  rally  his  troops. 

In  this  engagement  he  had  lost  nearly  five  hundred  men 
taken,  killed,  or  wounded.  About  ten  o’clock  at  night 
there  was  silence  on  both  sides  ; the  Sire  de  Montcler, 
retreating  to  the  second  retrenchment,  sent  back  all  his 
men  who  had  remained  on  the  ramparts  beyond  this  re- 
trenchment, and  prepared  to  defend  this  last  line  vigor- 
ously— the  castle  being  his  only  refuge  should  that  be 
taken.  But  on  reviewing  his  troops,  he  observed  the 
absence  of  a body  of  five  hundred  Germans,  whom  he  had 
posted  in  the  abbey  to  protect  the  retreat  of  the  defenders 
of  the  first  retrenchment. 

These  Germans,  seeing  the  unfavourable  position  of 
affairs,  and  taking  advantage  of  the  general  confusion 
during  the  last  struggle,  had  gone  away  through  the  abbey 
postern. 

The  governor  had  only  a thousand  men  remaining.  He 
endeavoured  to  persuade  his  men  that  the  Germans  were 
shut  up  in  the  castle  by  his  orders  ; but  few  were  deceived 
by  this,  for  it  was  evident  to  all  that  after  the  taking  of 
the  corner  tower  the  Germans  scarcely  cared  to  fight  for 
a cause  which  had  no  great  interest  for  them,  and  which 
they  regarded  as  lost. 

The  fate  of  these  runaways  was,  by  the  way,  miserable 
enough.  To  support  themselves  they  took  to  plundering 
in  the  outskirts,  were  surprised  by  a corps  of  French 
gendarmerie  employed  as  scouts  round  the  camp,  and 
put  to  the  sword  or  hanged  as  thieves.  The  few  who 
succeeded  in  escaping  perished  under  the  blows  of  the 
peasants  in  arms  against  marauders. 

It  seemed  hard  to  the  Sire  de  Montcler  to  abandon  his 
second  retrenchment  without  awaiting  an  attack  ; so  as  he 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


271 


had  scarcely  any  need  to  economise  the  provisions  in  the 
town,  he  had  a double  ration  distributed  to  his  men,  and 
encouraged  them  by  cheering  words,  preserving  his  anima- 
tion in  mien  and  gesture  when  among  them.  He  told 
them  that  succour  would  soon  arrive,  and  that  if  they 
resisted  a few  days  longer  Charles  d’Amboise  would  be 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege. 

Having  examined  the  retrenchment,  and  posted  men 
in  the  houses  behind  and  in  the  northern  building  of  the 
abbey,  the  Sire  de  Montcler  was  preparing  to  take  some 
repose,  when  he  was  informed  that  along  the  slopes,  above 
the  bridge,  the  sentinels  posted  on  the  boulevards  thought 
they  perceived  some  movement  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 
He  went  immediately  towards  that  quarter,  and  saw  in 
effect  a black  mass  that  appeared  to  be  advancing  up  the 
slope  like  the  rising  tide,  opposite  to  the  boulevard,  B.1 

To  summon  the  garrison  of  the  castle  and  to  draw  them 
up  in  this  boulevard — they  were  only  two  hundred  in 
number — required  only  a few  minutes.  The  escarpment 
of  this  boulevard,  whose  platform  was  on  the  level  of  the 
castle  ditch,  rose  but  slightly  above  the  acclivities  (about 
twelve  feet).  Before  the  assailant  had  placed  his  ladders, 
the  governor  fired  on  that  moving  mass,  which  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night  did  not  completely  hide  from  view.  The 
balls  from  the  culverin  and  the  bombards  made  furrows 
among  them  ; shouts  were  heard,  and  the  assailants, 
separating  into  two  columns,  set  up  their  ladders  on  the 
two  flanks  of  the  boulevard. 

Nearly  at  the  same  instant  the  second  retrenchment  was 
vigorously  assaulted,  and  to  facilitate  this  night  attack,  the 
assailants  set  fire  to  the  houses  between  the  first  and 
second  retrenchment.  Thus,  having  the  fire  at  their  back, 
they  could  clearly  see  the  defenders,  while  the  latter  were 

1 See  Fig.  48. 


272 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


blinded  by  this  mass  of  flame,  whence  the  French  seemed 
to  issue  like  black  shades.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  was 
hastening  on  horseback  from  one  point  of  attack  to 
another,  cheering  on  his  men,  and  exposing  himself  to 
the  projectiles  ; and  both  the  attacks  were  well  sustained. 
From  the  abbey  building  the  arbalisters  and  bearers  of 
small  cannon  inflicted  very  serious  loss  on  the  assailants, 
who,  despairing  of  forcing  the  retrenchment  at  this  point, 
were  moving  towards  the  junction,  M N. 

It  was  evident  to  the  brave  governor  that  the  place  was 
lost,  and  that  nothing  was  left  for  him  to  do  but  to  rally  the 
remains  of  the  garrison  in  the  castle,  if  he  could  reach  it. 
But  he  was  determined  that  this ‘retreat  should  cost  the 
enemy  dear.  He  therefore  sent  a reserve  which  he  was 
keeping  in  the  abbey  to  reinforce  the  defenders  of  the 
boulevard,  B,1  This  reserve  consisted  of  a hundred  men 
at  most  ; but  they  were  brave  fellows  ; their  orders  were 
to  defend  the  boulevard  at  all  cost,  and  if  they  were  out- 
flanked to  return  into  the  castle  as  soon  as  possible,  to 
raise  the  bridge,  and  not  let  it  down  again  till  they  saw 
him  return  with  the  remains  of  the  garrison  through  the 
enemy,  through  whom  he  would  force  a passage. 

Then  he  took  up  his  position  resolutely  at  the  head  of 
the  débris , which  still  defended  the  retrenchment,  and, 
availing  himself  of  the  houses  and  the  abbey  walls,  he 
gave  way  only  step  by  step,  obliging  the  enemy  to  be- 
siege every  house  and  every  enclosure,  and  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  lanes  and  passages  to  resume  the  offen- 
sive, and  inflict  losses  on  the  French.  Exasperated  by 
this,  the  latter  set  fire  to  the  houses  which  they  could 
not  break  open.  The  abbey  resisted  for  more  than  two 
hours  after  the  besieger  had  taken  the  retrenchment. 
The  defenders,  seeing  their  retreat  cut  off,  fought  with 
i See  Fig.  58. 


THE  FIFTH  SIEGE. 


273 


desperation  ; for  the  postern  was  occupied  outside  by  a 
large  body  of  men.  The  church  and  the  principal  build- 
ings were  in  flames. 

The  Sire  de  Montcler  maintained  the  struggle  in  the 
streets  and  houses  of  the  town  till  daybreak,  and  then 
debouched  with  four  or  five  hundred  men  who  remained 
to  him  in  the  open  space  before  the  castle.  He  found  it 
almost  entirely  occupied  by  the  enemy,  whom  some  brave 
men  were  still  resisting. 

He  rallied  this  greatly  diminished  body,  and  entered  the 
castle,  whose  bridge  was  immediately  raised.  The  town 
was  taken,  but  much  damaged,  as  Messire  Charles 
d’Amboise  had  predicted.  He  gave  the  strictest  orders 
to  stay  the  flames  and  stop  pillage,  and  to  save  the  lives 
of  the  unarmed  inhabitants.  But  there  were  many 
victims.  The  wounded  and  sick  shut  up  in  the  abbey 
had  perished  in  the  flames  ; women,  old  men,  and  child- 
ren, were  lying  on  the  pavement  and  in  the  houses. 
The  27th  and  28th  of  September  were  spent  by  the 
French  in  re-establishing  order  among  the  troops  after 
the  combat  of  the  night,  in  removing  the  wounded  and 
burying  the  dead.  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise,  during 
the  two  preceding  days,  had  lost  a thousand  men  ; he 
was  anxious  to  end  the  struggle.  During  the  night  of 
the  28th,  therefore,  he  had  twelve  pieces  of  ordnance 
brought  up  in  front  of  the  castle,  provided  them  with 
gabionades,  and  once  more  sent  a herald  to  summon  the 
garrison  to  surrender. 

The  reply  was  that  the  garrison  would  not  surrender  till 
it  saw  itself  incapacitated  from  continuing  the  struggle. 

On  the  morning  of  the  29th  the  twelve  pieces  began  to 
open  fire  against  the  defences  of  the  gate.  The  besieged 
could  only  answer  the  attack  with  small  pieces  mounted 
on  the  summit  of  the  towers.  But  in  the  evening  all  these 

T 


274 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


summits  were  dismantled,  the  roofs  pierced,  and  the 
machicolations  destroyed. 

Moreover,  in  the  course  of  the  30th  of  September  and 
Tst  of  October,  four  large  bombards  were  mounted  in  front 
of  the  outer  tower  of  the  gate.  In  the  evening  this  tower 
was  falling  in  ruins  into  the  ditch. 

Messire  Charles  d’Amboise,  before  commencing  the  as- 
sault, again  proposed  to  the  governor  to  capitulate.  The 
latter  then  appeared  on  the  ruins,  and  declared  that  he 
would  surrender  the  castle  on  condition  of  being  allowed 
to  quit  it  with  his  troops,  their  lives  and  baggage  being 
spared,  and  with  colours  flying,  and  to  go  wherever  they 
chose. 

Charles  d’Amboise  on  his  side,  then  came  forward  on 
the  breach,  and  gave  his  word  of  honour  that  these  condi- 
tions should  be  granted.  The  two  captains  then  ap- 
proached and  held  out  their  hands  to  each  other. 

The  city  and  castle  of  Roche-Pont  were  again  subjected 
to  King  Louis  XI.  The  Sire  de  Montcler  had  but  five 
hundred  fighting  men  left  ; and  even  of  these  there  were 
a full  third  wounded.  Messire  Charles  d’Amboise  gave 
them  a safe-conduct,  ordered  that  they  should  be  sup- 
plied with  provisions,  and  entertained  the  Sire  de  Montcler 
and  his  captains  at  his  table.  Two  days  afterwards  they 
took  their  departure  for  Flanders  with  the  foreign  troops 
that  were  still  with  them. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


THE  CITÉ  OF  LA  ROCHE-PUNT  IS  FORTIFIED  BY  ERRARD 
DE  BAR- LE- DUC,  ENGINEER  TO  THE  MOST  CHRISTIAN 
AUNG  OF  FRANCE  AND  OF  NAVARRE. 

In  1606,  Henry  IV.  had  succeeded  in  subjugating  the 
religious  and  feudal  factions  that  had  imperilled  France  for 
more  than  thirty  years.  He  cherished  great  designs  which 
his  skilful  policy,  his  patriotic  squI,  his  military  talents  and 
the  advantageous  alliances  he  was  able  to  form,  promised 
to  render  successful.  But  Henry  IV.  left  nothing  to 
chance,  and  would  not  embark  in  any  enterprise  after 
his  accession  to  the  throne,  till  he  had  made  every  pre- 
paration to  insure  its  success. 

When  he  saw  the  moment  arriving  at  which  he  could 
effectually  intervene  in  the  affairs  of  Germany — a part  of 
which  had  its  eyes  directed  to  France,  and  was  only  wait- 
ing for  a signal  from  the  Louvre  to  escape  from  the  inces- 
sant rivalries  of  the  princes  and  from  religious  contentions 
— he  took  measures  not  only  to  facilitate  a successful  in- 
tervention abroad,  but  to  strengthen  his  frontiers  and 
establish  depots  and  centres  for  provisioning  his  troops. 
Assured  of  the  good-will  of  the  Swiss  and  tranquil  as 
regarded  Italy — thanks  to  the  alliances  he  had  formed  in 
that  Peninsula — and  wishing  to  act  at  once  in  the  east,  and 
on  the  Pyrenean  side,  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  de- 


T 2 


276 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


fences  of  Roussillon  and  of  the  line  which  unites  Burgundy 
with  Champagne. 

Henry  IV.  had  been  engaged  in  partisan  warfare  ; but 
then  he  had  only  his  own  life  at  stake.  As  a sovereign  he 
thought  it  his  duty  not  to  run  risks  ; and  before  launching 
into  the  great  enterprises  he  had  in  view,  and  which  might 
change  the  face  of  Europe,  he  wished  to  put  fortune  on  his 
side  as  far  as  possible.  For  more  than  six  years,  in  concert 
with  Sully,  he  had  lost  not  a day  or  an  hour  in  preparing 
for  France,  which  had  been  a prey  to  civil  war  and  invacion 
at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a future  of  the  noblest 
order,  and  which  might  have  secured  to  it  the  most  honour- 
able destiny,  if  the  hand  of  an  assassin  had  not  in  a .single 
day  destroyed  hopes  founded  in  a wise  policy  and  the  most 
thoughtful  foresight. 

This  prince  knew  by  experience  that  in  war  a check  is 
always  possible,  even  when  fortune  is,  or  seems  to  be, 
entirely  on  our  side,  and  that  the  talent  of  a general  con- 
sists in  his  ability  to  discover  new  resources  after  a reverse. 
Success  in  arms  is  secure  in  proportion  to  the  foresight 
exercised  in  preventing  a first  reverse  from  becoming  a 
disaster.  Henry  IV.  therefore  set  about  preparing  a good 
line  of  retreat  and  supply  in  the  rear  of  the  army,  which 
he  was  intending  to  lead  in  person  towards  the  east.  He 
put  in  a state  of  defence  the  towns  and  important  strategic 
points  from  Châlons-sur-Saône,  passing  through  Beaune, 
Dijon,  Langres,  along  the  course  of  the  Haute-Marne,  and 
from  Langres  to  Chaumont,  Saint-Dizier,  Châlons,  Reims, 
Laon,  Péronne,  and  Amiens.  Verdun  and  Metz  had  been 
visited  by  him,  with  a view  to  examining  their  defences. 
At  Metz  he  had  ordered  works  of  considerable  importance. 
The  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  comprised  in  that  portion 
of  this  line  of  defence  which  lay  between  Dijon  and 


278 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Langres.  The  engineer  Errard  de  Bar-le-Duc  had  been 
entrusted  with  these  operations,  beginning  with  Châlons- 
sur-Saône.  He  had,  we  may  observe,  merited  the  confi- 
dence reposed  in  him  by  the  king,  for  he  had  given  proofs 
of  considerable  ability  and  ingenuity. 

Errard  de  Bar-le-Duc  made  use  of  the  ancient  walls, 
considering  them  suitable  for  defence  at  close  quarters  ; 
but  he  constructed  works  outside  which  would  command 
the  country,  and  force  the  besieger  to  commence  his  opera- 
tions at  a distance  of  one  thousand  or  one  thousand  two 
hundred  yards.  The  system  of  boulevards  was  still  main- 
tained, but  these,  instead  of  presenting  only  an  isolated 
obstacle,  defended  each  other  by  crossing  their  fire,  and 
were,  in  fact,  true  bastions. 

The  three  great  round  towers  on  the  north  of  the  cité  of 
La  Roche-Pont  were  then  much  dilapidated.  Errard  had 
them  terraced,  and  then  surrounded  them  with  earthworks 
with  walled  escarpments.  Towards  the  plateau  fronting 
the  north  he  had  a great  tenaille  constructed  with  a double 
ditch  and  ravelin.  Fig.  59  gives  the  plan  of  the  cite 
after  the  operations  planned  by  Errard.  Besides  the  works 
just  mentioned,  indicated  at  A,  B,  C and  D,  the  king’s  engi- 
neer raised  the  bastions,  E,  F,  G,  H,  and  I,  which  crossed 
their  fires,  and  whose  orillons  masked  small  pieces  designed 
to  flank  the  old  ramparts. 

Most  of  the  old  towers  were  lowered  and  terraced  to 
receive  cannon.  The  ancient  castle,  of  which  little  more 
than  the  donjon  and  some  outbuildings  remained,  was 
surrounded  by  a bastioned  enclosure,  with  a tenaille  on  the 
town  side. 

The  lower  town,  towards  the  west,  though  reduced  to 
narrow  dimensions,  continued  nearly  in  the  condition 
already  described.  As  to  the  upper  town,  after  the  con- 
flagration of  the  last  siege,  it  had  been  rebuilt  in  a 


LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED. 


279 


very  indifferent  style.  Under  Francis  I.,  the  abbey  had 
been  secularised,  and  its  ancient  church  was  served  by  a 
Chapter.  The  old  stone  bridge  near  the  outflow  of  the 
rivulet  still  existed,  and  at  O was  a second  wooden  bridge 
connecting  the  two  shores.  The  bridge,  P,  had  fallen  into 
ruins  and  had  not  been  rebuilt. 

From  the  bastion,  B,  to  the  river,  and  from  the  bastion, 
D,  to  the  pool,  Errard  built  two  fronts,  K and  L,  à cré 
maillères } to  command  the  slopes  of  the  plateau  on  th£ 


Fig.  60. 


right  and  left,  and  to  hinder  an  assailant  from  occupying  a 
position  on  the  east  and  west  flanks  of  the  cité. 

For  the  time,  these  works  appeared  strong,  and  the  axiom 
in  fortifications,  “ What  offers  itself  as  a defence  ought 
to  be  defended,”  was  already  pretty  generally  adhered  to. 
Fig.  60  gives  the  northern  work  which  was  destined  to 

1 In  plan  not  straight,  but  broken  by  a series  of  returns  each  in  advance  of 
the  o*her. 


28o 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS 


sweep  the  plateau,  and  to  render  difficult  the  approach  to 
the  cité  on  this  its  very  accessible  side.  This  work  con- 
sisted of  a ravelin,  A,  whose  height  above  the  level  of  the 
plateau  was  not  more  than  six  feet  ; next  of  a first  tenaille, 
B,  with  orillons,  eighteen  feet  above  the  plateau,  and  a 
second  tenaille,  C,  three  feet  above  the  level  of  the  tenaille, 
B.  Two  bastions,  D and  F,  enveloped  the  two  great  towers, 
G and  H,  which  were  terraced.  The  platforms  of  the  latter 


rose  three  feet  above  the  platforms  of  the  bastions.  The 
gate,  I,  of  the  fourteenth  century,  had  been  preserved 
and  repaired,  and  the  curtains,  K,  terraced  to  receive 
cannon. 

The  road  passed  over  the  right  face  of  the  ravelin, 
and  thence  at  right  angles  to  the  centre  of  the  tenailles. 


LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED. 


281 


A wide  fosse,  E,  protected  the  exterior  works,  and  a second 
fosse,  L,  the  curtain  of  the  second  tenaille. 

Fig.  6 1 gives  a sketch  in  perspective  of  the  bastion,  F.1 
No  use,  however,  was  made  of  these  defences  till  about 
thirty  years  after  their  construction. 


1 Of  the  general  plan,  Fig.  59. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 

About  the  beginning  of  July,  1636,  France,  governed  by 
the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  saw  its  northern  frontier  invaded 
by  the  too  celebrated  Jean  de  Weert,  with  an  army  of 
Hispano-Belgians,  to  which  the  empire  had  added  a nume- 
rous body  of  cavalry,  composed  of  Poles,  Hungarians,  and 
Croats.  These  allied  troops  advanced  into  Picardy,  and 
Paris  was,  for  the  moment,  anticipating  a siege  ; but  the 
enemy  were  delayed  by  the  siege  of  Corbie,  and,  having 
taken  this  town,  in  which  they  left  a garrison,  they  retired 
for  fear  of  being  taken  in  rear  by  the  Dutch. 

The  French  army  soon  came  in  its  turn  to  besiege  and 
retake  Corbie.  At  the  same  time,  an  attack  on  Burgundy 
had  been  concerted  by  the  Imperial  troops,  while  the  army 
of  Condé  was  besieging  Dole,  which  was  holding  out  for 
the  Spaniards.  But  the  Imperialist  army  having  had  to 
wait  long  for  the  necessary  reinforcements,  did  not  start  at 
the  same  time  as  that  of  the  Hispano-Belgians,  and  did 
not  cross  the  frontier  till  the  22nd  of  October  ; which  gave 
time  for  the  French  troops  employed  at  the  siege  of  Corbie 
to  pass  into  Burgundy,  to  assemble  the  troops  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  to  receive  the  reinforcements  sent  to  the  Prince 
de  Condé  by  the  Duke  of  Weimar  and  the  Cardinal  de  la 
Valette.  Being  unable  to  raise  the  siege  of  Dole,  the 
Imperialists  directed  their  course  to  the  Saône,  which  they 
passed,  and  sent  a body  to  seize  the  little  cité  of  La  Roche- 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


283 


Pont,  the  capture  of  which  would  give  them  a centre  for 
attacking  Dijon  or  Langres,  and  enable  them  to  isolate  the 
Prince  de  Condé.  The  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  but 
scantily  furnished  with  artillery,  and  had  a garrison  of  only 
a thousand  men,  when  the  Imperialist  forces  presented 
themselves  before  it  on  the  2nd  of  November.  They 
numbered  six  thousand  men,  and  brought  with  them 
thirty  pieces  of  ordnance,  of  which  twelve  were  of  large 
calibre.  They  were  commanded  by  Galas,  and  were  ex- 
pecting to  take  the  place  in  a few  days,  for  the  captains 
knew  by  their  scouts  that  the  garrison  was  weak,  scantily 
provisioned  and  unprepared  for  an  attack. 

However,  Count  Rantzau  had  been  sent  by  the  French 
generals  to  re-victual  Saint- Jean-de-Losne  and  La  Roche- 
Pont,  and  to  place  an  experienced  captain  in  the  latter. 
The  count  arrived  before  La  Roche-Pont  two  days  previous 
to  the  Germans  ; he  left  a thousand  men  there,  with  Rin- 
court  as  governor — ordnance  munitions  and  a convoy  of 
provisions  ; but  having  only  two  or  three  thousand  men 
left  him,  he  thought  himself  not  in  a condition  to  attack  the 
Imperialist  army,  and  therefore  marched  to  Saint-Jean-de- 
Losne,  which  he  entered  on  the  2nd  of  November,  in  the 
teeth  of  the  Germans,  who  were  already  beginning  to 
invest  the  town.  Immediately  on  his  arrival  before  La 
Roche-Pont,  Galas  summoned  the  place,  offering  the  garri- 
son the  most  favourable  conditions,  and  the  inhabitants 
respect  for  their  persons  and  property.  The  envoy  of  the 
Imperialist  general  was  sent  back  as  he  had  come,  and 
attack  and  defence  were  respectively  prepared  for. 

Rincourt’s  nature  was  one  of  those  which  are  apparently 
nonchalant  and  cold,  fond  of  repose,  and  never  appearing 
discomposed  ; he  was  of  middle  height,  with  a little  embon- 
point. His  pale  face,  blonde  hair,  and  dull  blue  eyes,  would 
be  deemed  no  indication  of  a soul  of  firm  temper,  but  rather 


284 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


of  one  quite  destitute  of  elasticity — an  esprit  blasé,  or  at 
least  an  impassive  disposition.  Rincourt  had  however 
given  proof  of  his  ability  on  many  occasions,  and 
Count  de  Rantzau,  who  knew  him  well,  esteemed  him 
highly.  On  leaving  him  in  the  place,  he  had  given  him 
these  simple  instructions — “ Hold  out  here  to  the  last 
man  : for  the  rest  act  as  you  judge  best.”  To  Galas’s  mes- 
senger, Rincourt  had  replied  : “ My  instructions  are  to 
defend  the  place,  and  I shall  defend  it.” 

Rincourt,  while  making  the  arrangements  necessary  for 
the  defence,  and  enquiring  into  the  stores  of  provisions, 
was  aware  that  if  he  allowed  himself  to  be  shut  up  at  once 
in  the  town,  the  enemy  would  have  made  a breach  in  less 
than  a week,  and  the  taking  of  La  Roche-Pont  would  be  at 
most  an  affair  of  fifteen  or  twenty  days.  The  stock  of 
provisions  scarcely  admitted  of  so  long  a resistance  ; and 
at  this  time  of  the  year  it  was  difficult  to  add  to  them, 
even  if  the  place  were  not  closely  invested.  The  governor 
resolved,  therefore,  to  take  the  initiative  and  to  hinder  the 
enemy’s  approach-works  to  such  an  extent,  that  however 
favourable  the  weather  might  be,  the  enemy  would  have 
difficulty  in  maintaining  his  position. 

He  sent  for  the  mayor  and  notables  of  the  town,  and 
asked  them  what  they  intended  to  do,  and  whether  the 
inhabitants  would  remain  at  home  with  their  hands  folded, 
while  the  king’s  men  were  fighting  to  defend  the  town. 
They  assured  him  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  inhabitants  were 
disposed  to  defend  themselves,  and  that  even  the  women 
would  mount  the  ramparts  if  necessary  ; that  all  of  them 
knew  how  the  enemy  had  behaved  in  Picardy,  and  thought 
that  the  worst  course  was  to  trust  to  their  promises,  and 
that  if  they  must  die,  it  was  better  to  die  fighting.  “ If  it 
be  so,”  replied  the  governor,  “ and  if  your  acts  respond  to 
your  words,  you  may  be  assured  that  the  Germans  will  not 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


285 


enter  this  place  ; but,  you  must  be  doing.  Have  you  any 
artillerymen  among  the  inhabitants?”  “We  have  some  ; 
all  our  young  men  are  hardy  and  robust,  and  many  know 
how  to  make  use  of  musket  and  pike.”  “ Well,  assemble 
them  to-night,  and  let  all  the  volunteers,  armed  or  un- 
armed, be  with  you  to-morrow  morning,  in  the  open  space 
before  the  castle.  Whatever  you  hear  this  evening,  do  not 
let  your  attention  be  diverted  from  this  object,  and  do  not 
be  alarmed  ” 

When  night  arrived  (and  it  comes  early  on  the  2nd  of 
November),  Rincourt  prepared  for  the  transport  of  two 
small  pieces  of  cannon,  and  ordered  two  hundred  men  to 
mount  their  horses — for  he  had  some  cavalry — accompanied 
by  four  hundred  foot  soldiers  ; took  care  that  the  artillery- 
men should  be  at  their  guns  in  the  works  of  the  tenaille, 
leaving  their  captains  precise  instructions  ; summoned  four 
hundred  men  to  appear  at  three  o’clock  in  the  morning  ; 
and  about  ten  o’clock  sallied  forth  with  his  six  hundred 
men  and  two  guns  through  the  gate  of  the  outwork. 

The  night  was  foggy  and  perfectly  dark.  The  governor 
had  taken  the  precaution  to  envelope  the  wheels  of  his  two 
guns  with  pieces  of  cloth  and  canvas,  and  to  have  the 
crowbars,  powder  spoons,  and  rammers,  carried  by  the 
servers,  to  avoid  noise.  On  issuing  from  the  ravelin,  he 
directed  the  two  cannons  obliquely  right  and  left,  so  as  to 
keep  them  within  musket  shot  from  the  centre  column  ; 
the  cavalry  was  escorting  them.  He  himself,  with  his 
three  or  four  hundred  foot  soldiers,  marched  straight  for 
the  enemy’s  outposts.  About  a thousand  yards  from  the 
outwork  he  met  them,  making  soup  in  front  of  their  fires. 
Falling  suddenly  on  the  sentinels  and  neighbouring  posts, 
he  threw  himself  into  the  very  heart  of  the  enemy  dispersed 
among  the  orchards,  and  killing  all  who  resisted,  drove 
them  before  him. 


286 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


In  conformity  with  the  instructions  they  had  received, 
the  artillerymen  then  brought  their  pieces  into  position, 
and  fired  right  and  left  towards  the  two  extremities  of  the 
encampment.  The  Imperialists  believed  themselves  at- 
tacked along  the  whole  extent  of  their  front,  and  took 
some  time  to  concert  their  defence. 

As  soon  as  Rincourt  saw  the  enemy  drawn  up  in  con- 
siderable numbers  before  him,  he  hastily  drew  off  the  right 
and  left  of  his  small  band  towards  the  two  guns  and  the 
cavalry.  The  Germans  then  advanced  in  a compact,  but 
not  very  orderly  body,  looking  for  the  assailant,  and  not 
knowing  whether  they  should  go  towards  the  east  or  west 
of  the  plateau  in  pursuit  of  him.  Then,  after  a renewed 
discharge  of  the  pieces,  the  two  small  French  corps, 
cavalry  and  infantry,  rushed  upon  the  flanks  of  the  column, 
killed  or  took  about  a hundred  men,  and  fell  back  with  all 
speed  to  the  outwork,  protected  by  volleys  discharged  with 
as  good  aim  as  circumstances  allowed  from  the  bastions  of 
the  tenaille. 

This  affray  terminated  at  midnight,  without  loss.  Rin- 
court sent  his  men  to  rest,  and  at  three  o’clock  in  the 
morning  sallied  forth  once  more  with  the  four  hundred  foot 
soldiers,  summoned  for  that  hour  ; this  time  without 
cannon  or  cavalry.  He  went  along  the  western  edge  of 
the  plateau,  and  when  he  saw  himself  within  musket  shot 
of  the  advanced  posts,  drawing  out  his  musketeers  in  a 
long  line,  he  commanded  a general  discharge  ; then 
moving  off  obliquely,  he  executed  the  same  movements  a 
few  seconds  afterwards,  on  the  eastern  side,  after  which  he 
retired. 

The  enemy  were  completely  puzzled  by  these  attacks. 
They  had  passed  the  whole  of  the  night  on  the  look-out, 
and  in  the  morning  determined  to  establish  their  first  lines 
about  a mile  from  the  tenaille,  placing  advanced  posts 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE.  287 

behind  intrenchments  hastily  thrown  up.  They  then 
opened  the  trench  about  half  a mile  distant. 

Throughout  the  day  the  heavy  gunS  mounted  on  the 
platforms  of  the  tenaille  kept  up  a fire  on  these  advanced 
posts,  killed  some  men  and  overthrew  the  intrenchments. 
During  the  night  of  the  3rd  of  November,  Rincourt,  who 
had  observed  that  a considerable  body  of  the  enemy  was 
advancing  up  the  river,  perhaps  with  the  view  of  passing 
the  night  there,  and  attacking  the  front  K 1 in  the  rear  with 
cannon,  sent  out  two  hundred  of  his  infantry,  under  effi- 
cient command,  through  the  ravelin  of  the  outwork,  and 
made  a sortie  with  three  hundred  men  through  the  gate  of 
the  front,  K.  He  attacked  the  posts  along  the  river,  while 
the  first  troop  was  skirmishing  with  the  advanced  posts 
established  along  the  western  slopes  of  the  plateau.  When 
the  first  troop  saw  itself  too  much  pressed,  it  rapidly 
descended  the  western  slope  to  rally  Rincourt’s  force,  who 
on  his  side  was  retreating  after  having  thrown  the  enemy 
into  confusion. 

The  besiegers,  however,  being  on  their  guard,  went  in 
pursuit  of  the  five  hundred  men  from  the  town  with 
vigour,  and  in  increasing  numbers.  But  this  had  been 
foreseen  by  the  governor  ; and  a second  body  of  four 
hundred  men,  which  during  the  action  issued  in  its  turn 
from  the  ravelin,  descended  the  western  slopes  at  full 
speed,  and  fell  upon  the  flank  of  the  Imperialists. 

On  this  the  five  hundred  men  commanded  by  Rincourt 
faced  about.  There,  also,  two  or  three  hundred  Ger- 
mans were  killed,  wounded,  or  threw  themselves  into 
the  water.  The  losses  of  the  French  were  insignificant. 

While  these  continual  alarms  in  some  degree  fatigued 
and  disconcerted  the  besiegers,  who  did  not  suppose  they 
had  before  them  a garrison  numerous  enough  to  dare 
1 See  Fig.  59. 


288 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


to  act  on  the  offensive,  they  restored  confidence  to  the 
besieged,  and  gave  them  a high  idea  of  the  military 
talents  of  the  governor. 

Rincourt  continued  to  preserve  his  cool  aspect  and 
nonchalant  demeanour,  though  he  was  constantly  on  the 
alert,  and  gave  his  orders  with  precision.  Seeing  the 
turn  things  were  taking  the  dizainiers  of  the  town  assured 
the  governor  of  their  entire  devotion,  and  of  the  good-will 
of  the  volunteers,  who  deemed  themselves  capable  of 
guarding  the  ramparts  unaided  ; he  might  therefore  com- 
mence operations  outside  in  full  confidence,  and  “amuse” 
the  enemy.  This  was  exactly  what  Rincourt  wanted. 

The  Imperialists  in  the  meantime  continued  to  ad- 
vance with  their  trench.  On  the  evening  of  the  5th  of 
November  it  was  fifteen  hundred  feet  from  the  salient, 
and  in  the  rear  there  was  a pretty  good  place  d'armes , sur- 
rounded by  an  epaulement  with  cannon  at  the  angles  and 
abatis  of  trees,  at  the  foot  of  the  bank.  Every  night  the 
governor  found  means  to  disquiet  the  enemy,  often  at 
intervals  of  two  or  three  hours,  so  as  to  keep  him  inces- 
santly in  alarm. 

Galas,  in  the  meanwhile,  had  sent  two  pieces  of  ordnance 
to  the  right  bank  of  the  stream  out  of  sight  of  the  be- 
sieged, and  on  the  7th  of  November  he  mounted  them 
on  this  bank  so  as  to  attack  the  front  à crémaillère , K,1 
in  the  rear.  The  wooden  bridge  had  been  burned  by  the 
besieged,  and  the  stone  bridge  barricaded  and  furnished 
with  a cavalier  on  the  left  bank,  which  swept  the  right 
bank.  Behind  the  houses  of  the  western  faubourg,  Rin- 
court established  a battery  armed  with  three  cannons, 
which  had  been  taken  from  the  arsenal  during  the  night. 
On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  November  the  houses 
which  masked  the  three  pieces  having  been  thrown  down, 

1 See  Fig.  59. 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE . 289 

these  guns  opened  their  fire  against  the  besieger’s  battery, 
which  was  soon  silenced. 

That  same  day  the  trench  was  nine  hundred  feet  from 
the  outwork,  and  a second  place  (Pannes  was  commenced 
at  this  point  (Fig.  62).  The  governor  resolved  to  over- 
throw the  enemy’s  works.  At  two  o’clock  in  the  mcrning 
he  first  sent  out  a troop  of  five  hundred  men  to  attack 
the  place  a' armes  on  the  west,  while  a second  troop  of  two 


Fig.  62. 


hundred  men  was  to  attack  it  on  the  east,  and  himself 
going  out  with  four  hundred  men  to  continue  the  offensive, 
if  the  former  had  a chance  of  succeeding,  or  to  protect  its 
retreat.  His  men  were  armed  with  pikes,  cutlasses,  gre- 
nades, and  pistols. 

The  besieger  had  at  this  point  from  twelve  to  fifteen 
hundred  men  to  protect  the  workmen.  The  first  troop  of 
the  garrison  advanced  resolutely  against  the  flank,  throw- 


290  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

ing  grenades  into  the  trenches,  and  destroying  the  gabions 
and  fascines.  They  were  soon  attacked  by  all  the  Ger- 
mans posted  at  this  point  ; but  knowing  that  they  were 
going  to  be  immediately  reinforced,  they  maintained  their 
position  in  the  middle  of  the  place  d'armes , making  use 
of  every  obstacle  to  intrench  themselves.  This  struggle 
was  visible  only  through  some  bivouac  fires  at  a con- 
siderable distance,  and  the  explosions  of  the  grenades. 
The  townspeople,  that  they  might  recognise  each  other, 
had  put  shirts  over  their  buff  coats,  or  their  pourpoints. 
The  second  troop  soon  arrived  from  the  east,  and  a part 
of  the  besiegers  was  thus  attacked  on  both  sides.  The 
latter  retired,  and  rallying  about  a hundred  paces  behind 
the  place  d'armes , attacked  in  their  turn  the  people  of  the 
town  on  the  two  flanks;  the  struggle  recommenced  with 
violence,  the  French  not  being  willing  to  abandon  the 
place.  They  would,  however,  have  been  ultimately  over- 
whelmed by  numbers,  if  Rincourt  had  not  come  up  in 
the  midst  of  the  mêlée  with  his  reserve  of  four  hundred 
men  (Fig.  63).  He  fell  upon  one  of  the  flanks  of  the 
numerous  troop  of  the  Germans  without  uttering  a sound. 
These  then  fell  into  confusion,  and  commenced  a speedy 
retreat.  Soon,  in  spite  of  the  officers,  the  route  was  com- 
plete, and  the  fugitives  went  off  and  alarmed  the  neigh- 
bouring posts,  and  even  the  camp,  asserting  that  they 
had  been  surprised  by  a large  body  that  had  come  to 
succour  the  besieged. 

Galas  was  not  certain  whether  this  was  a concerted 
sortie  or  whether  succour  had  reached  the  besieged  be- 
tween his  lines  and  the  place.  Collecting  all  the  troops 
at  his  disposal,  and  ordering  two  or  three  hundred  men 
to  mount  their  horses,  he  betook  himself  to  the  abandoned 
works.  Rincourt  had  not  waited  for  him  ; but  having 
damaged  the  trench  for  the  length  of  a hundred  paces. 


Fig.  63.  — Night  Sortie  — The  Attack  on  one  of  the  Besiegers’  Peace  d’Armes 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


291 


scattered  the  gabions,  set  fire  to  heaps  of  fascines,  spiked 
two  guns,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned,  broken  open 
some  casks  of  munitions,  and  taken  away  the  tools  of 
the  pioneers,  retreated  with  his  men.  This  sortie  had  cost 
him  about  fifty  men  ; he  brought  back  his  wounded. 

When  Galas  came  up  none  but  the  dead  of  both  parties 
and  some  wounded  remained  in  the  works.  In  his  anger, 
he  broke  his  cane  on  the  back  of  the  first  soldiers  he  met 
with,  calling  them  cowards  and  traitors,  and  threatening 
to  decimate  the  whole  troop  entrusted  with  the  guard  of 
the  trench.  The  mischief  could  not  be  repaired  in  the 
few  hours  of  night  that  were  left.  They  were  quite  be- 
wildered in  the  midst  of  these  scattered  gabions  and 
trenches  filled  up  at  some  points  ; and  when  day  appeared 
the  besieged  discharged  three  or  four  volleys  from  the 
tenaille  in  the  midst  of  this  confused  host,  which  then 
retreated  to  the  first  place  d armes. 

To  increase  his  embarrassment,  about  ten  o’clock  in 
the  morning,  a message  sent  from  Saint-Jean-de-Losne 
informed  the  Imperialist  general  that  this  insignificant 
town  was  holding  out,  that  the  continual  sorties  of  the 
garrison  were  fatiguing  the  troops,  that  the  siege  would 
be  longer  than  was  supposed  at  first,  and  that,  in  fact, 
his  presence  would  be  necessary  to  direct  the  attack 
and  make  head  against  the  Count  de  Rantzau,  who  was 
occupying  the  town. 

The  possession  of  Saint-Jean-de-Losne,  which  he  sup- 
posed was  already  in  the  hands  of  his  troops,  was  still 
more  important  to  the  Imperialists  than  that  of  La  Roche- 
Pont.  For  Saint-Jean-de-Losne  secured  to  the  Germans 
the  passage  of  the  Saône  ; but  if  this  town  held  out  they 
might  be  cut  off  by  the  Prince  de  Condé,  who,  on  raising 
the  siege  of  Dole,  or  taking  that  place,  would  fall  upon  the 
rear  of  the  Imperial  army. 


U 2 


2Ç2 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Galas  was  therefore  much  embarrassed.  To.  raise  the 
siege  of  La  Roche-Pont,  and  to  march  with  all  his  forces 
against  the  Prince  de  Condé,  was  perhaps  the  wisest  part 
to  take,  but  this  would  have  interfered  with  the  plan  of  the 
campaign  on  which  the  Imperialists  founded  the  most 
brilliant  hopes  ; it  would  have  been  to  abandon  that 
conquest  of  Burgundy  which  a few  days  before  Germany 
had  regarded  as  certain  ; it  would  have  been  a manifest 
check  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  campaign. 

Galas  therefore  adopted  a middle  course,  which  in  war  is 
always  the  least  desirable  ; he  resolved  to  leave  before  La 
Roche-Pont  sufficient  troops  to  invest  it  closely,  knowing 
that  the  place  had  not  provisions  sufficient  to  last  long, 
and  to  finish  the  siege  of  Saint-Jean-de- Losne.  This 
place  fallen,  he  might  resume  his  original  plan. 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  November,  after  having 
appointed  a commander  for  the  troops  remaining  before 
La  Roche-Pont,  and  leaving  his  instructions,  he  quitted  the 
camp  to  go  and  rejoin  the  army  before  Saint-Jean-de- 
Losne. 

These  instructions  were  in  substance  as  follows — the 
establishment  of  a line  of  investment  around  the  place 
and  the  continuance  of  the  attack  on  the  northern  salient, 
under  good  protection  and  taking  the  time  necessary  for 
the  works.  He  had  also  a plan  made  out  for  a battery  of 
bomb  mortars.  He  had  sent  for  four  of  these  engines  to 
bombard  the  town.1  Galas’s  lieutenant  was  of  Italian 
origin,  and  was  named  Forcia  : he  was  an  impetuous  man, 
serviceable  for  a bold  stroke,  a great  talker,  a fairly  skilful 
engineer,  but  wanting  in  persistency  and  perseverance,  and 
continually  changing  his  plans.  By  dint  of  flattery  and 
the  admiration  he  manifested  on  all  occasions  for  the 

1 Bombs,  invented  by  the  Dutch  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
were  already  used  in  sieges. 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE . 


293 


military  talents  of  Galas,  Forcia  had  succeeded  in  per- 
suading him  that  no  one  was  better  fitted  than  himself  to 
act  for  the  general,  to  enter  into  his  designs,  and  put  his 
plans  in  execution.  Forcia,  we  say,  had  appeared  to 
appreciate  the  wisdom  of  Galas’s  designs,  and  had  pro- 
mised to  follow  his  instructions  implicitly  and  to  the  letter. 
But  where  is  the  flatterer,  however  astute,  who  does  not 
leave  in  the  mind  of  the  person  flattered — however  wanting 
in  judgment — a feeling  of  mistrust  Accordingly  Galas 
in  quitting  the  camp  of  La  Roche-Pont,  had  instructed  a 
young  lieutenant  who  acted  as  his  secretary,  and  whom  he 
left  with  Forcia,  to  take  note  of  all  that  transpired  and  to 
keep  him  informed  of  the  minutest  details  by  frequent 
messages. 

Rincourt  allowed  his  troops  the  night  of  the  9th  for 
repose,  as  half  the  garrison  had  been  engaged  the  night 
before.  On  the  morning  of  the  10th  one  of  the  spies 
whom  he  was  careful  to  employ  in  the  country,  and  even 
in  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  came  to  inform  him  that  Galas 
had  departed  the  evening  before  with  an  inconsiderable 
escort,  and  that  the  Imperialist  troops  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  one  of  his  lieutenants.  This  news  set  the 
governor  gravely  thinking;  he  knew  that  Saint-Jean-de- 
Losne  was  still  holding  out,  and  he  gained  a glimpse  of 
the  real  state  of  affairs.  Devoted  to  the  Count  de  Rantzau, 
he  felt  it  his  duty  more  than  ever  to  give  the  enemy  so 
much  to  do  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  him  to  think  of 
reducing  the  number  of  troops  assembled  around  La 
Roche-Pont,  to  reinforce  those  engaged  in  the  siege  of 
Saint-J  ean-de-Losne. 

The  garrison  was  full  of  confidence  and  determination  ; 
and  the  militia  of  the  town  asked  to  share  in  the  sorties. 
This  militia  consisted  of  a body  of  about  twelve  hundred 
men,  which  Rincourt  had  divided  into  companies  of  one 


294 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


hundred  men  each,  commanded  by  ten  subalterns  and  a 
captain.  He  had  divided  these  companies  into  two  bat- 
talions of  six  hundred  men  each.  The  first  was  composed 
of  the  robuster  men  who  had  had  some  experience  in 
arms  ; the  second  was  composed  of  the  householders,  men 
of  mature  age  inexperienced  in  war.  These  latter  were 
especially  employed  as  guards  of  the  ramparts,  as  a daily 
and  nightly  patrol,  and  as  a police  for  the  town.  With 
the  regular  troops,  therefore,  the  governor  had  at  his  dis- 
posal, even  after  the  losses  he  had  sustained,  and  after 
leaving  in  the  town  artillerymen  enough  to  man  the  guns, 
about  two  thousand  two  hundred  men. 

The  women  of  Roche-Pont  had  also  offered  their  services. 
Rincourt  formed  them  into  brigades  of  ten  ; and  their  duty 
was  to  bring  ammunition,  prepare  the  provisions,  repair 
military  accoutrements,  and  make  fascines  and  bags. 

Even  since  the  enemy’s  arrival,  the  governor  had  been 
able  to  get  some  cattle,  grain,  and  fodder  into  the  town, 
affording  a supply  for  sixteen  days  longer. 

He  had  good  hopes  of  getting  rid  of  the  Germans  before 
the  end  of  this  period.  The  townspeople,  moreover,  were 
rationed  like  the  garrison,  and  the  inhabitants  were  obliged 
under  pain  of  death  to  deposit  all  the  provisions  they  had 
in  the  public  store-houses.  The  two  churches  of  the  upper 
town  had  been  converted  into  hospitals  for  the  wounded. 

If  the  spirits  of  the  garrison  were  kept  up  and  even 
raised,  such  was  by  no  means  the  case  with  the  Impe- 
rialists. Forcia  lost  no  time  in  announcing  to  the  German 
troops  that  he  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  ; he 
called  the  captains  together  and  thought  it  incumbent 
upon  him  to  address  them  in  a somewhat  long  and  high- 
flown  discourse,  accompanied  by  theatrical  gestures. 

This  had  but  a slight  effect  on  the  minds  of  the  officers, 
who  were  for  the  most  part  veterans,  and  wdio  had  no 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE . 


295 


great  respect  for  Forcia.  They  returned  to  their  quarters, 
therefore,  somewhat  depressed,  and  auguring  no  good  for 
the  prospects  of  the  siege.  Following  the  instructions 
left  him  by  Galas,  Forcia  gave  orders  for  the  complete 
investment  of  the  place. 

Deducting  the  losses  suffered  since  the  beginning  of  the 
siege,  and  the  desertions,  Forcia  when  entrusted  with  the 
command  had  little  more  than  five  thousand  men.  The 
object  to  be  secured  was  to  maintain  at  the  point  of  attack 
a body  of  troops  numerous  enough  to  prevent  the  sorties 
of  the  garrison  from  not  being  formidable  to  them,  and  to 
distribute  around  the  cité  posts  sufficiently  well  connected 
and  defended  to  cut  off  all  communication  between  the  town 
and  the  outside  ; for  it  was  certain  that  the  inhabitants 
would  be  reduced  to  famine  before  many  days  elapsed. 

Prudence  therefore  demanded  that  a line  of  contravalla- 
tion  should  be  established,  and  provided  with  artillery, 
that  every  point  should  be  efficiently  guarded,  and  that 
the  garrison  should  be  so  occupied  as  to  make  vigorous 
sorties  impossible.  These  tactics  must  infallibly  result  in 
the  surrender  of  the  town  at  no  distant  time.  Such  were 
in  substance  the  instructions  of  Galas.  But  Forcia  had  a 
more  ambitious  aim  ; these  methods  appeared  to  him 
tedious  and  unworthy  of  him  ; and  he  saw  himself  in 
imagination  master  of  the  place,  and  sending  the  news  of 
its  capitulation  to  Galas  in  a message  worthy  of  ancient 
Rome. 

Still  he  dared  not  formally  disregard  his  instructions, 
but  he  resolved  merely  to  affect  compliance  with  them, 
eager  to  show  the  army  how  an  engineer  of  first-rate 
ability  can  conduct  a siege.  He  believed  that  three 
thousand  men  would  be  enough  to  keep  the  besieged  in 
awe  on  the  north,  to  prosecute  the  approach-w'orks  vigor- 
ously and  to  take  the  place.  With  two  thousand  men  he 


296 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


made  sure  of  intercepting  all  communication  between  the 
inhabitants  and  the  outside.  Accordingly  he  established  a 
post  of  two  hundred  men  along  the  river  on  the  left  bank, 
two  hundred  yards  from  the  angle  of  the  curtain  K ; 1 a 
second  post  of  two  hundred  men  on  the  right  bank,  in 
front  of  the  destroyed  wooden  bridge  O ; a third  post  of 
one  hundred  men,  opposite  the  ancient  bridge  P ; a fourth 
post  of  three  hundred  men,  two  hundred  yards  from  the 
stone  bridge  ; a fifth  post  of  three  hundred  men  along  the 
rivulet  to  the  south-east  of  the  escarpment  of  the  castle  ; a 
sixth  post  of  two  hundred  men  behind  the  embankment  of 
the  mills  on  the  east  ; and  a seventh  post  of  three  hundred 
men  above  the  pool  to  the  north-east — in  all  sixteen  hun- 
dred men.  Four  hundred  men  were  commissioned  to 
connect  these  principal  posts,  or  to  strengthen  them  at 
need.  The  rampart  L1,  prevented  the  besieger  from 
making  his  way  between  the  pool  and  the  town,  the 
fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  posts  communicated  with  head- 
quarters only  by  a long  detour,  and  could  not  be  sup- 
ported by  the  posts  of  the  right  bank  unless  a bridge 
were  thrown  across  below  the  stone  bridge.  This  was  a 
serious  disadvantage.  Forcia  had  no  idea  of  taking  pos- 
session of  the  stone  bridge  by  a sudden  attack,  as  this 
passage  was  commanded  by  a cavalier  and  by  the  bas- 
tions of  the  castle.  He  preferred  throwing  a bridge 
across  below  to  put  his  posts  in  communication  with 
each  other. 

Wishing  to  keep  all  his  artillery  to  batter  the  place 
and  to  effect  a breach  quickly,  he  did  not  provide  any 
of  these  posts  with  guns,  but  contented  himself  with 
ordering  them  to  erect  a strong  palisading,  and  to  raise 
epaulements  for  shelter.  The  instructions  he  gave  were 
wanting  in  precision,  but  he  often  cited  Cæsar  and 

1 See  Fig.  59. 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


2 97 


Vegetius  and  Frontinus,  and  some  of  the  great  captains 
who  had  shed  a lustre  on  Italy  in  the  preceding  century. 
While  urging  vigilance  on  his  captains  he  merely  went 
with  them  to  reconnoitre  the  ground,  and  to  determine 
their  posts  ; but  did  not  trouble  himself  further  to  know 
whether  his  orders  were  understood  and  strictly  carried 
out.  The  investment  was  only  a concession  made  to 
the  general-in-chief,  and  his  attention  was  entirely  given 
to  the  attack  on  the  north.  He  could  not  even  avoid 
observing  in  presence  of  his  officers  that  up  to  that  time 
the  works  had  been  feebly  conceived  and  executed  ; a 
remark  which  soon  reached  the  ears  of  Galas. 

Rincourt  took  advantage  of  the  respite  allowed  him  by 
the  besieger  to  organize  his  little  garrison  more  effec- 
tually. We  have  seen  that  he  had  six  hundred  militia- 
men capable  of  acting  outside  the  ramparts.  He  set 
about  equipping  these  men,  who  were  but  imperfectly 
armed.  The  castle  contained  a hundred  muskets,  which 
he  distributed  to  those  who  knew  best  how  to  use  this 
weapon,  but  had  not  been  provided  with  it.  The 
rest  he  armed  with  strong  pikes,  breach-knives,  and  par- 
tisans. Not  counting  artillerymen,  he  had  remaining 
sixteen  hundred  soldiers — three  hundred  being  horsemen 
— whom  he  formed  into  four  bodies  of  four  companies 
of  infantry  of  eighty  men  each,  commanded  by  a captain, 
and  three  companies  of  horsemen,  one  hundred  strong. 

The  town  contained  thirty-two  pieces  of  ordnance  of 
various  calibre.  There  were  sixteen  mounted  in  the 
north  work  ; two  on  the  cavalier  behind  the  bridge  ; one 
in  the  bastion  of  the  donjon;  two  in  the  bastion  F1  and 
one  in  each  of  the  seven  other  bastions  ; in  all  twenty - 
eight.  Two  were  placed  in  the  tenaille  of  the  castle,  and 
two  were  kept  in  reserve.  The  enemy’s  arrangements 
1 See  Fig.  59. 


298 


AJVJVALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


were  soon  made  known  to  the  governor,  either  through 
spies  or  the  reconnaissances  made  by  his  best  officers,  or 
himself  personally  ; he  took  care  not  to  disturb  the 
carrying  out  of  those  arrangements,  and  contented  him- 
self with  doubling  the  guard  at  the  bridge,  which  was 
raised  to  two  hundred  men. 


During  the  night  of  the  nth  of  November,  Forcia  had 
a second  breach  opened,  and  marked  out  the  approach- 
works,  as  shown  in  Fig.  64.  Besides  the  two  places 
d'armes  A and  B,  already  marked  out,  he  planned  a third, 
C,  to  be  reached  by  a new  trench  D,  next  two  batteries 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


29g 


at  G and  F,  for  two  pieces  each,  and  a battery  for  two 
mortars  H.  He  had  the  first  trench  lengthened  at  I,  with 
a piece  at  its  extremity  sweeping  the  curtain  K.  Two 
pieces  mounted  in  the  place  d'armes  B commanded  the 
battery  F,  and  the  surroundings  ; a piece  mounted  at  E 
commanded  the  battery  G ; and  a piece  mounted  in  the 
place  d'armes  C swept  the  outside  of  the  western  battery. 
He  thought  he  should  thus  provide  for  every  contingency. 
If  the  besieged  determined  to  attempt  some  bold  stroke, 
they  could  not  advance  far,  and  if  they  succeeded  in 
taking  either  of  the  batteries  G,  F,  he  could  crush  them. 
The  two  batteries  G,  F were  intended  to  silence  the  fire  of 
the  north-west  salient  and  of  the  left  half  of  the  tenaille. 
That  done,  he  could — secure  against  the  right-hand  fire 
— advance  as  far  as  the  counterscarp,  set  up  a breach 
battery,  and  take  the  place  by  the  north-west  salient. 
Meanwhile,  the  mortar  battery  would  render  the  right  of 
the  work  untenable,  crush  the  defenders  of  the  ancient 
terraced  walls,  damage  the  gates,  and  prevent  the  be- 
sieged from  attempting  anything  at  this  point.  The  plan 
was  not  badly  conceived  ; nothing  remained  but  to  exe- 
cute it. 

The  phlegmatic  governor  had  the  gabionades  of  the 
work  strengthened,  and  traverses  and  paréclats  raised, 
especially  on  the  platforms  of  the  two  great  towers.  He 
had  shelter  places  arranged  on  the  platforms  of  the 
earthworks.  Moreover  he  kept  up  a continual  fire  on  the 
workmen,  so  that  they  could  scarcely  make  any  advance 
except  during  the  night.  Sometimes  at  ten  o’clock  at 
night,  sometimes  at  midnight,  at  two  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  or  shortly  before  daybreak,  Rincourt  would 
alarm  the  enemy’s  camp  by  sorties  of  no  importance 
considered  with  reference  to  the  final  result,  but  which 
greatly  exhausted  the  besiegers. 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


300 

These  sorties  were  effected  by  one  or  two  companies 
while  the  others  rested.  In  this  way  he  exercised  the 
militia,  and  accustomed  them  to  fighting. 

By  the  15th  of  November  the  besieger’s  works  had 
scarcely  made  any  progress.  However  the  place  d'armes 
C was  made,  as  also  the  parallel  which  connected  it  with 
the  place  d'armes  B ; and  the  trenches  were  commenced 
which  were  to  lead  to  the  two  batteries.  The  bomb- 
mortars  were  mounted,  and  began  to  fire  towards  evening. 
But  they  produced  more  noise  than  damage  to  the  be- 
sieged. Their  fire  was  badly  directed,  and  most  of  the 
bombs  burst  too  soon  or  too  late.  The  besieged  became 
accustomed  to  them,  and  kept  out  of  their  way  when 
they  saw  them  coming.  For  a dozen  bombs  fired  the 
first  evening,  two  men  were  wounded,  and  one  gun-car- 
riage damaged. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  November  the  weather, 
hitherto  fine,  suddenly  changed.  About  nine  a fine  snow 
fell,  and  was  soon  after  followed  by  a deluge  of  rain, 
accompanied  by  squalls.  During  the  night  of  the  15th, 
the  men  on  guard  in  the  trenches  were  up  to  their 
knees  in  water  ; it  was  impossible  to  work.  The  rain 
continued  regular  and  heavy  during  the  whole  of  the 
1 6th.  Rincourt  took  advantage  of  this  disagreeable  state 
of  the  weather.  The  bridge  which  had  been  thrown 
across  the  river  by  the  Imperialists,  below  the  stone 
bridge,  consisted  of  a floor  six  feet  wide,  laid  partly  on 
trestles,  partly  on  boats  collected  in  the  valley  and 
linked  together.  This  was  a clumsy  contrivance,  for  the 
water  on  beginning  to  rise  lifted  the  boats  proportion- 
ately so  that  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  maintain  the 
connexion  between  the  floor  resting  on  the  boats  and 
that  laid  on  the  trestles.  Accordingly  in  spite  of  the 
rain  the  besiegers  worked  all  day  on  the  16th  to  pre- 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


301 


vent  the  rupture  of  this  bridge.  The  governor  who 
passed  all  that  day  in  examining  the  environs,  had  per- 
ceived from  the  top  of  the  platform  of  the  cavalier  the 
precarious  condition  of  the  besieger’s  bridge,  and  at  night 
he  had  some  large  trunks  of  trees  thrown  over  the  para- 
pet of  the  stone  bridge,  which  struck  against  the  boats 
and  trestles  and  impeded  the  current,  which  kept  on 
rising.  At  midnight  twenty  of  these  trunks  had  accu- 
mulated against  the  boats,  and  the  river  continuing  to 
rise,  the  bridge  was  carried  away.  A light  appearing  for 
an  instant  at  a certain  point  of  the  valley  of  Abonne 
apprised  Rincourt  of  the  destruction  of  the  bridge.  The 
signal  was  given  by  one  of  the  spies. 

Secure,  therefore,  against  being  cut  off  on  his  right  by 
the  Imperialists,  the  governor  sent  out  three  hundred 
militiamen  and  three  companies  of  soldiers,  kept  under 
arms  after  supper,  by  the  western  gate,  next  to  the 
castle  ; and  another  three  hundred  of  the  militia,  and 
two  companies  by  the  eastern  gate.  This  second  troop 
was  commissioned  to  make  for  the  causeway  of  the  pool, 
attack  the  enemy’s  post  established  beyond  the  embank- 
ment, outflank  it  on  his  right  and  pursue  it  hotly 
along  the  rivulet.  Rincourt  commanded  the  foremost 
troop  of  six  hundred  men.  He  descended  the  slope 
of  the  bridge,  crossed  the  rivulet  by  means  of  planks 
and  trestles  which  he  had  ready  prepared  behind  the 
cavalier,  and  attacked  the  post  of  three  hundred  men 
established  at  two  hundred  yards  below  the  stone 
bridge.  Finding  themselves  attacked  by  a body  much 
more  numerous  than  themselves,  they  quitted  the 
bivouacs  in  all  haste,  and  set  off  along  the  left  bank  of 
the  rivulet  to  join  the  second  post  (consisting)  of  three 
hundred  men  established  between  them  and  the  dam,  as 
the  bridge  was  broken.  This  was  just  what  Rincourt 


302 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


anticipated.  At  the  same  time,  in  an  opposite  direction 
the  post  at  the  pool  embankment  was  in  flight,  pursued 
by  the  second  troop  of  the  besieged, — -depending  on  get- 
ting the  support  of  the  post  at  the  rivulet  and  that  of 
the  bridge,  since  they  were  outflanked  on  their  right. 
These  two  posts — that  of  the  bridge  and  that  of  the  em- 
bankment— retreating  as  fast  as  the  nature  of  the  ground 
permitted  in  an  inverse  direction,  to  the  post  at  the  rivulet, 
the  latter  supposed  it  was  an  attack,  and  fired  several 
arquebusades  at  the  two  troops  of  these  outposts.  They 
recognised  each  other  with  difficulty,  and  these  eight 
hundred  men  thus  collected,  saw  themselves  attacked 
on  two  sides  by  Rincourt  and  the  second  troop  of  the 
besieged.  The  combat  did  not  last  long,  in  consequence 
of  the  confusion  into  which  they  were  thrown  as  much 
as  through  the  numerical  inferiorit/  Few  resisted,  many 
sought  the  marshes,  and  two  or  three  hundred  laid 
down  their  arms  and  begged  for  quarter.  Of  those  who 
had  betaken  themselves  right  and  left  to  the  marshes, 
about  a hundred  managed  to  reach  the  camp  in  the 
morning,  the  others  were  killed  by  the  peasants. 

Forcia,  informed  in  the  middle  of  the  night  of  the  attack 
on  his  south-eastern  posts,  got  a thousand  men  under  arms. 
But  the  weather  continued  as  bad  as  ever  ; the  captains 
obeyed  with  a very  ill  grace  ; they  had  lost  all  confidence, 
and  it  was  not  until  daylight  that  Galas’s  lieutenant  was 
able  to  go  down  into  the  valley.  His  three  posts  were 
taken,  and  he  found  from  two  to  three  hundred  men  dead 
or  wounded  on  the  banks  of  the  rivulet. 

Rincourt  had  quietly  gone  up  again  into  the  town  with 
his  two  troops  and  his  prisoners  by  the  castle  gate,  about 
three  o’clock  in  the  morning.  He  had  not  lost  more  than 
fifty  men,  killed,  wounded,  or  strayed.  Forcia  returned  to 
the  camp  about  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning.  But  from  the 


THE  SIXTH  SIEGE. 


303 


top  of  the  donjon,  at  the  first  glimmering  of  daylight,  the 
governor  had  seen  the  troop  of  Imperialists  defiling  in  the 
direction  of  the  posts  that  had  been  taken.  Without  an 
instant’s  delay,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  four  com- 
panies of  foot  soldiers,  fresh  and  ready  for  the  struggle, 
and  of  his  three  hundred  horsemen,  and  after  having  fired 
several  volleys  on  the  besieger’s  works,  he  courageously 
sallied  forth  by  the  ravelin  and  rushed  impetuously  upor 
the  trenches.  The  enemy,  taken  by  surprise,  without  a 
commander,  and  out  of  heart,  fled,  and  Rincourt  succeeded 
in  spiking  the  guns  of  the  two  foremost  places  d' armes, 
spiking  and  throwing  down  the  mortars  along  the  slopes, 
breaking  the  gun-carriages,  overthrowing  the  gabionades, 
and  taking  a quantity  of  workmen’s  tools. 

When  Forcia  returned,  it  was  to  learn  this  fresh  disaster. 
His  captains  murmured  loudly.  He  called  them  cowards 
and  ignoramuses,  and  they  retorted  sharply,  and  abuse  was 
lavished  on  both  sides.  Happily  for  Forcia  a messenger 
came  from  Galas  that  evening  enjoining  him  to  raise  the 
siege  of  Roche-Pont  and  to  fall  back  upon  the  Saône 
without  an  hour’s  delay. 

Saint-Jean-de-Losne  had  held  out  and  had  suffered  no 
damage  ; the  Imperialists,  surprised  by  the  inundations, 
and  fearing  to  be  cut  off  by  the  French  army,  determined 
on  returning  home. 

If  that  French  army  had  been  led  by  a Rantzau  and 
a Rincourt,  not  a German  would  have  repassed  the  fron- 
tier ; but  the  Duke  of  Weimar  and  the  Cardinal  de  la 
Valette,  who  might  have  destroyed  the  invaders,  were  by 
no  means  energetic  in  the  pursuit.  The  Imperialists,  how- 
ever, lost  in  this  expedition,  by  which  they  hoped  to  gain 
the  most  brilliant  advantages,  all  their  baggage,  a good 
part  of  their  artillery,  and  a third  of  their  force. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


THE  TOWN  OF  LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED  BY 
M.  DE  VAU  BAN. 

Born  at  Saint-Leger  de  Foucheret,  in  the  middle  of  Bur- 
gundy, Vauban,  who  loved  and  was  well  acquainted  with 
this  beautiful  province,  had  occasion  to  visit  Roche-Font 
several  times.  The  situation  of  the  fortress  and  its  stra- 
tegical position  attracted  his  notice,  and  suggested  a 
plan  connecting  this  little  town  with  a line  starting  with 
Besançon,  passing  through  Dole,  Auxonne,  La  Roche- 
Pont,  Langres,  Neufchâteau,  Toul,  Pont-à-Mousson,  Metz, 
Thionville,  Longwy,  Montmédy,  Sédan,  Mézières,  Rocroy, 
Avesnes,  Maubeuge,  Valenciennes,  Lille,  and  ending  at 
Dunquerque.  The  date  was  1680;  it  was  a second  line. 
Would  to  Heaven  it  had  always  been  maintained  by 
works  accommodated  to  the  means  of  attack  ! but  if  the 
French  know  how  to  take,  they  are  but  remiss  in  keeping 
what  they  have  taken. 

The  fortress  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  exposed  to  attack 
only  from  the  northern  plateau,  and  the  artillery  of  Vau- 
ban’s  time  could  make  a serious  impression  only  on  that 
side,  as  the  town  was  protected  on  its  two  sides,  east  and 
west,  by  escarpments  and  two  watercourses.  Batteries 
placed  on  the  hills  east  and  west  were  either  dominated 
by  the  artillery  of  the  town  or  must  have  been  placed  at 
a distance  of  eighteen  hundred  yards — i.e.y  out  of  range — 


3o6  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

to  attain  the  level  of  the  ramparts.  Vauban  decided  there- 
fore to  construct  outside  the  ancient  town  a large  work  on 
the  north,  which  should  command  the  plateau.  At  the 
same  time — for  he  was  economical  of  the  money  of  the 
state — he  thought  he  might  avail  himself  of  part  of  Errard’s 
works,  especially  the  bastions  which  that  engineer  had 
raised  on  the  east  and  west  fronts,  and  improve  the  de- 
fence of  the  castle,  which  would  then  become  a good 
stronghold.  Besides  this  he  planned  works,  only  revetted 
at  the  base,  along  the  river,  to  protect  the  lower  town. 
On  the  rivulet  side,  in  like  manner,  he  planned  a flanked 
front  for  musketry,  to  secure  that  side  from  approach,  and 
to  keep  some  land  useful  either  for  the  cultivation  of  vege- 
tables in  case  of  siege,  or  for  pasturage.  A weir  placed 
at  the  mouth  of  the  rivulet,  with  a flood  gate,  allowed  the 
inhabitants  to  inundate  the  meadows  situated  on  the  east 
of  the  escarpment. 

Fig.  65  presents  the  general  plan  of  the  works  laid  out 
by  Vauban.  At  first  he  had  thought  of  making  on  the 
north,  before  the  front  fortified  by  Errard  de  Bar-le-Duc, 
a horn-work  before  a demi-lune  ; but  he  could  not  thus 
effectually  sweep  the  divergent  points  of  the  plateau.  He 
determined,  therefore,  on  the  plan  given  in  Fig.  65,  making 
use  of  a part  of  the  northern  revetments  of  Errard  de  Bar- 
le-Duc.  In  advance  of  the  northern  front,  in  lieu  of  the 
narrow  and  contracted  defences  of  Errard,1  he  made  a great 
demi-lune,  A (Fig.  65),  with  a tenaille  behind,  and  next 
the  bastioned  work,  B,  which  swept  the  whole  plateau. 
As  to  the  rest  of  the  town,  making  use  of  the  old  bastions, 
he  strongly  flanked  them  and  disposed  the  stronghold 
as  shown  by  the  plan,  D.  The  roads  of  the  upper  town 
were  widened  and  improved,  and  the  houses  detached 
from  the  ramparts.  The  ancient  bridge  at  C had  been 
1 See  Fig-.  60. 


Fig.  6&— Vauban’s  Outwork. 


3°8 


ANJVALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


destroyed  by  a swelling  of  the  river,  and  was  not  rebuilt  ; 
but  at  P,  in  1675,  a new  stone  bridge  was  built,  with  a 
tête  du  pont  of  earthwork.  At  O a foot-bridge  still  existed 
in  1680.  The  town  had  again  extended  along  the  left  bank, 
and  the  importance  of  the  cité  above  was  diminishing. 

Fig.  66  presents  on  a larger  scale  the  plan  of  the  out- 
work constructed  by  Vauban.  Before  the  three  fronts  of 
this  work,  demi-lunes  with  tenailles  behind  defended  the 
approaches. 

Four  barracks  were  built  at  a.  Cavaliers  arose  on  the 
bastions,  and  the  covered  ways,  with  their  places  d'armes . 
were  furnished  with  traverses.  In  the  event  of  this  work 
being  taken,  the  main  body  of  the  fortress  could  still 
hold  out  some  days. 

Fig.  67  gives  the  sections  of  these  works,  which  were 
cased  with  masonry,  presenting  a strong  defence  which 
only  a regular  siege  could  affect. 

But  it  is  desirable  to  point  out  the  reasons  that  deter- 
mined the  plan  of  this  work,  and  the  method  adopted  by 
the  illustrious  engineer. 

Vauban  fortified  according  to  the  nature  of  the  position, 
and  was  not  one  of  those  esprits  routiniers  who,  when  once 
a certain  system  has  made  good  its  claims,  insist  on  apply- 
ing it  on  all  occasions. 

The  fortresses,  which,  like  that  of  La  Roche-Pont,  are 
situated  at  the  extremity  of  a promontory  and  present 
only  a narrow  front  to  the  besieger,  assuredly  give  certain 
advantages  to  the  defence,  since  they  have  scarcely  to  fear 
more  than  one  attack  and  are  accessible  only  on  one  side  ; 
but  this  position  is  not  without  its  drawbacks,  especially 
if,  as  in  the  present  instance,  a fan-shaped  plateau  spreads 
outside  the  fortress  ; for  then  the  besiegers  sweep  the 
defences  with  converging  fires,  to  which  the  besieged  can 
oppose  only  a narrow  front  unprovided  with  considerable 


LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED.  3°9 

flankments.  On  the  east  side  the  large  bastion,  in  the 
middle  of  which  Vauban  had  left  standing  the  fifteenth- 
century  tower,  which  thus  gave  him  a good  revetted 


cavalier,  sufficiently  flanked  the  eastern  brow  of  the  outer 
plateau  ; but  on  the  western  side  such  a flankment  failed 
entirely,  on  account  of  the  outward  bend  caused  by  the 


3io 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


promontory.  To  obviate  these  disadvantages  Vauban  in- 
clined his  capital  some  paces  eastwards.1 

He  had  thought  at  first  of  suppressing  the  south 
flanks  of  the  two  extreme  bastions,  but  in  that  case  the 
exteriors  of  the  east  and  west  faces  of  these  bastions 
would  have  been  too  slanting  to  sweep  the  crests  of  the 
plateau  effectively,  while  the  two  curtains  answered  this 
object.  Besides,  the  enemy  could  not  then,  without  risk, 
commence  his  trenches  on  the  slopes  of  the  plateau  and 
rapidly  approach  fronts  insufficiently  flanked.  Vauban 
therefore  set  out  the  plan  of  the  great  outwork  according 
to  the  following  method  (Fig.  68)  : — To  the  outside  he 
gave  a length  of  180  toises,  or  1,156  feet.  To  the 
western  side,  a c,  1,120  feet  ; to  the  eastern  side,  b d , 1,054 
feet — that  is,  he  placed  the  points  c and  d according  with 
the  edge  of  the  plateau  ; the  two  angles  a and  b being 
equal  to  one  another.  On  the  centre  of  the  side  a b of 
the  polygon  he  erected  the  perpendicular,  e f,  having  a 
length  equal  to  one-sixth  of  a b.  From  this  extreme 
point,  f were  drawn  the  lines  of  defence,  a g,  b h , on 
which  the  lengths  of  the  faces  of  the  bastion,  a k,  b i, 
were  set  off  equal  to  two-sevenths  of  the  outer  side,  a b 
To  find  the  flanks  of  the  bastion,  according  to  the  method 
usually  adopted  in  these  defences,  points  k and  i,  he  de- 
scribed arcs  of  a circle,  k l,  taking  i k as  the  radius.  The 
point  of  intersection  of  this  arc  with  the  line  b h gave 
the  length  and  the  direction  of  the  flank  of  the  bastion  ; 
but,  not  having  been  able  to  trace  a regular  half-hexagon, 
and  the  angles  a and  b being  less  obtuse  than  those  of 
a regular  hexagon,  by  proceeding  in  this  manner,  the 
gorges  of  the  bastion  would  have  been  too  contracted. 
Therefore,  to  determine  the  flank  of  the  bastion,  from  the 
points  i and  k,  he  let  fall  perpendiculars  to  the  lines  of 
1 See  Fig.  65. 


LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED.  3" 

defence,  a g,  b h,  and  the  point  h gave  the  re-entering 
angle  in  the  curtain,  h g,  parallel  to  the  side  a b.  This 


exposed  the  flanks  a little  too  much,  but  enabled  them 
to  sweep  the  outsides  more  effectively,  and  in  this  par- 
ticular case  that  was  the  principal  consideration. 


312 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


The  width  of  the  ditch  of  the  main  work  was  fixed  at 
1 12  ft.  7 in.,  to  the  rounding  of  the  counterscarp  ; and  this 
was  determined  by  a tangent  to  this  rounding,  drawn 
from  the  angle  of  the  epaule  of  the  opposite  bastion. 

The  ditches  being  dry,  Vauban  sunk  cunettes  in  the 
middle,  23  ft.  4 in.  wide  and  6 ft.  8 in.  deep.  Double 
caponnières  connected  the  tenailles  with  the  demi-lunes. 
The  demi-lune  was  set  out  as  follows  : — Taking  g k as 
radius,  the  arc  k m was  drawn.  Its  meeting  with  the  per- 
pendicular, e ff  prolonged,  gave  the  point  of  intersection  in, 
the  salient  of  the  demi-lune.  From  in,  the  face  in  n was 
directed  upon  a point,  0,  taken  on  the  face  of  the  bastion 
at  31  ft.  3 in.  from  the  angle  of  the  epaule,  i.  The  width 
of  the  covered  way  was  fixed  at  31  ft.  3 in.,  and  that  of  the 
glacis  at  124  ft.  4 in.  The  internal  places  Farines  were 
100  ft.  across  the  demi-gorge  and  133  ft.  4 in.  along  the 
faces.  These  places  Farines  were  closed  by  traverses.  The 
ditch  of  the  demi-lune  was  89  ft.  7 in.  in  width.  The 
tenailles,  g , constructed  in  the  direction  of  the  lines  of 
defence,  were  43  ft.  9 in.  wide  at  the  base. 

Cavaliers  were  made  on  the  bastions  to  obtain  convenient 
views  over  the  slopes  of  the  plateau.  Their  faces  and 
sides,  parallel  to  those  of  the  bastions,  had  to  be  placed 
at  a considerable  distance  from  the  epaulements,  in  order 
that  the  un-cased  external  foot  of  the  talus  might  leave 
the  necessary  room  for  the  easy  working  of  the  pieces 
of  artillery.1 

The  same  method  was  followed  for  the  sides  a c and  b d * 
The  width  of  the  ditch  was  increased  to  100  ft.,  and  the 
great  demi-lune,  t , was  so  formed  that  its  faces  had  a 
length  of  332  ft.  and  its  narrow  sides  66  ft.  The  old 
bastions  restored  and  enlarged,  u v,  were  armed  with 
cavaliers,  and  the  escarp  of  these  bastions  was  6 ft.  6\  in 
1 See  Fig.  67,  the  section  on  e,  f. 


LA  ROCHE-PONT  IS  FORTIFIED.  3*3 

higher  than  that  of  the  bastions  of  the  outwork,1  which 
difference,  for  that  matter,  was  favoured  by  the  conforma- 
tion of  the  ground. 

All  the  escarps  and  counterscarps  were  cased  with 
strong  masonry,  with  counterforts  in  the  terre-plein  ; as 
shown  in  the  sections  of  Fig.  67  and  Fig.  69. 


The  works  communicated  with  each  other  by  posterns. 
As  the  fortress  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  only  assailable  on 
one  side,  the  number  of  cannon  necessary  for  its  defence 
might  be,  it  appeared,  in  proportion  to  its  extent,  incon- 
siderable. The  number  amounted  to  thirty  twenty-four 
pounders,  ten  twelve-  and  four-pounders  to  arm  the 
demi-lunes. 


1 See  Fig.  67,  the  sections  en  G H and  1 K. 


314  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

At  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  the  efforts  of 
the  coalition  were  directed  towards  the  north-eastern 
frontiers,  and  the  garrison  of  La  Roche-Pont  did  not  get  a 
view  of  the  enemy.  However,  during  the  course  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  this  fortress  was  kept  in  passable 
condition. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  1813,  the  grand  army  of  Bohe- 
mia, one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  men  strong,  and 
commanded  by  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  crossed  the  Rhine 
at  Bâle,  entered  Switzerland,  and  penetrated  into  France. 
Its  right  bore  down  on  Belfort,  Colmar,  and  Strasburg,  its 
centre  marched  for  Langres,  its  left  for  Dijon.  The  same 
day  the  Prussians  were  crossing  the  Rhine  at  Mayence. 
The  invasion  of  the  eastern  frontier  had  to  be  met  by  sixty 
thousand  men,  at  most,  echeloned  between  Epinal  and 
Langres;  and  this  force  consisted  only  of  dispirited  soldiers 
and  of  recruits  scarcely  knowing  how  to  use  their  arms. 
Prince  Schwartzenberg’s  army — which  had  some  reason  to 
fear  being  attacked  on  the  side  of  Savoy  by  the  forces 
commanded  by  Prince  Eugene,  and  knew  that  the  dcbt'is 
of  the  army  of  Spain  had  orders  to  make  for  Lyons 
with  all  speed — wishing  to  secure  its  base  of  operation, 
left  detachments  before  Bésançon,  Dole,  along  the  Saône 
and  between  Dijon  and  Langres,  with  injunctions  to  oc- 
cupy the  most  favourable  strategic  position.  La  Roche-Pont 
was  to  be  taken  ; and  the  generalissimo  of  the  Bohemian 
army  imagined  that  it  was  not  in  a condition  to  hold  out 
eight-and-forty  hours,  for  he  knew  that  it  had  no  garrison, 
and  that  the  citizens  were  little  disposed  to  defend 
themselves. 


3ï6 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Among  the  inhabitants  of  La  Roche-Pont  were  some 
royalist  families,  whose  emissaries  had  assured  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Bohemian  army  that  the  whole 
population  were  impatiently  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
Allies  to  declare  for  the  Bourbons.  Prince  Schwartzenberg 
was  too  clear-sighted,  and  knew  too  well  to  what  illusions 
the  royalists  were  ready  to  yield  themselves,  to  place  an 
unlimited  faith  in  these  statements  ; and  he  was  anxious 
not  to  encounter  serious  obstacles  during  his  first  stages, 
that  he  might  put  himself  as  speedily  as  possible  in  com- 
munication with  his  allies  on  their  way  from  the  north-east. 
He  therefore  informed  the  royalists  of  La  Roche-Pont  that 
it  was  undesirable  to  provoke  a political  manifestation  on 
his  march  ; that  the  best  means  of  assuring  the  success  of 
the  Allies  was  to  remain  quiet  ; that  his  troops,  in  con- 
formity with  the  proclamation  issued  by  the  coalition  on 
entering  French  territory,  would  respect  property;  that 
they  were  not  animated  by  a spirit  of  vengeance,  and  that 
their  glory  would  consist  in  concluding  peace  as  quickly 
as  possible,  so  as  to  restore  to  Europe  the  repose  it  so 
much  needed. 

In  the  meantime  Napoleon,  on  learning  that  the  German 
troops  had  entered  France  from  the  south  through  Basle, 
had  sent  pressing  orders  into  the  Bourbonnais,  Auvergne, 
and  Burgundy,  to  make  a levy  of  conscripts  as  soon  as 
possible  and  send  them  to  Paris.  At  the  same  time  the 
depots  of  Dauphiny  and  Provence,  as  also  the  conscripts 
in  the  eastern  departments,  were  to  assemble  at  Lyons  to 
close  to  the  enemy  the  approaches  from  Switzerland  and 
Savoy,  and  if  necessary  to  operate  on  his  rear. 

The  prefects  of  Burgundy,  Picardy,  and  Normandy,  and 
of  Touraine  and  Brittany,  were  to  appeal  to  the  com- 
munes to  form  companies  of  National  Guards  d'élite,  who 
were  to  march  to  Paris,  Meaux,  Montereau,  and  Troyes. 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


317 


These  arrangements  were  hardly  made  in  time  to  pre- 
sent a serious  obstacle  to  the  invaders.  The  civil  authori- 
ties and  the  regular  troops  began  to  make  a hasty  retreat 
before  the  armies  of  the  coalition,  and  were  leaving  the 
inhabitants  to  themselves  without  arms  or  guidance.  It 
thus  happened  that  some  bodies  of  troops  coming  from 
the  south  found  themselves  in  an  isolated  position,  and 
uncertain  whether  they  ought  to  continue  their  route  or 
fall  back.  Such  a case  happened  on  the  Saône  ; three  bat- 
talions of  infantry,  certain  artillerymen  called  to  Vincennes 
to  assemble  at  the  great  central  depot  which  the  Emperor 
was  organising  there,  and  some  detachments  of  various 
arms  making  their  way  for  Dijon,  to  push  on  thence 
towards  Troyes — found  themselves  on  the  flank  of  the  left 
column  of  the  army  of  Bohemia.  They  retraced  their 
steps,  and  made  a rather  long  détour,  hoping  to  get  beyond 
the  enemy’s  right,  and  resume  the  route  for  Troyes 
through  Beaune,  Sémur,  Montbard,  and  Châtillon-sur- 
Seine  ; but  surprised  by  bad  weather  and  snow,  during  a 
night  march  in  the  mountains  of  the  Côte-d’Or,  they  lost 
their  way,  and  found  themselves  in  the  morning  at  Saint- 
Seine,  which  was  already  occupied  by  a body  of  Austrian 
pioneers.  The  French  were  much  limited  in  point  of 
munitions,  and  had  no  artillery.  They  could  not  force  the 
passage,  and  were  obliged  to  fall  back  into  the  valley  of 
Suzon,  hoping  still  to  find  the  road  from  Dijon  to  Langres 
clear.  But  at  Thil-le-Châtel  they  came  upon  another  body 
of  the  enemy,  and  had  to  retire  towards  the  small  town 
of  La  Roche-Pont,  for  it  was  evident  that  they  were  cut  off. 
The  colonel  who  commanded  this  small  column  was  in- 
structed, should  it  be  impossible  to  reach  Langres,  to  take 
up  a position  at  Auxonne  or  at  La  Roche-Pont,  to  keep 
his  ground  there,  and  to  form  a nucleus  of  defence  until 
the  arrival  of  Augereau’s  force,  which  was  to  march  from 


3i 8 ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 

Lyons  through  Maçon,  Châlon,  and  Gray,  to  fall  on  the 
rear  of  Prince  Schwartzenberg. 

Such  were  the  events  that  had  happened  at  this  junc- 
ture at  La  Roche-Pont.  Conformably  to  the  last  orders 
transmitted  by  the  prefect,  companies  of  National  Guards 
had  been  promptly  organised.  The  inhabitants  of  La 
Roche-Pont,  like  their  neighbours  of  Auxonne,  Dole,  and 
Saint-Jean-de-Losne,  preserve  military  habits  ; and  sieges — 
not  without  reason,  as  we  have  seen  — are  a tradition  among 
them.  There  were  always  companies  of  archers  and  ar- 
balisters  at  La  Roche-Pont  during  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
at  a later  date  bombardiers  and  artillerymen.  Under  the 
Consulate  La  Roche-Pont  had  been  a dépôt  for  the  army 
concentrated  between  Dijon  and  the  Swiss  frontier  to  pass 
the  Saint-Bernard,  and  munitions  had  been  stored  there  ; 
some  siege  pieces  had  also  been  placed  there,  and  still 
remained.  At  the  approach  of  Prince  Schwartzenberg’s 
army  the  population  of  La  Roche-Pont  was  in  agitation  ; 
and  even  before  the  prefectoral  instructions  had  arrived, 
three  companies  of  National  Guards,  one  of  which  was  of 
artillerymen,  had  been  spontaneously  formed.  All  had 
old  muskets  of  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  or  good  hunting 
weapons.  The  lower  town,  occupied  in  great  part  by  rich 
families,  of  which  several  were  devoted  to  the  royal  cause, 
did  not  share  in  these  preparations  for  war.  Some  indis- 
creet revelations  made  the  upper  town  aware  of  the  in- 
trigues of  the  royalists.  The  mayor  was  a man  who  had 
been  conspicuous  for  his  devotion  to  the  Emperor  while  the 
Empire  had  been  in  vigour  ; but  who,  seeing  its  fortunes 
decline,  became  daily  more  and  more  of  a royalist. 

If  he  had  not  actively  opposed,  he  had  at  least  obstructed 
the  formation  of  a company  of  National  Guards  d'élite , en- 
deavouring to  gain  time.  The  little  citadel  of  La  Roche- 
Pont  was  occupied  by  a company  of  sixty  veterans,  for  the 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


3*9 


most  part  invalided,  under  the  orders  of  an  old  one-armed 
captain  of  engineers,  who  had  served  in  almost  all  the 
campaigns  of  the  Empire.  When  it  was  known  that  the 
enemy  had  entered  France,  Captain  Allaud — that  was  his 
name — had  asked  for  orders  from  Dijon,  but  had  not 
received  them.  However,  he  employed  his  men  in  re- 
storing and  replenishing  the  arsenal.  He  enjoyed  a cer- 
tain amount  of  authority  in  the  upper  town.  The  male 
population  of  the  cité \ composed  in  great  part  of  men 
who  had  been  soldiers — ail  the  youth  had  left  in  the  first 
months  of  1813 — never  called  Captain  Allaud  anything 
but  “the  Governor,”  and  had  applied  to  him  to  form 
companies,  only  asking  for  munitions.  Now  the  arsenal 
of  La  Roche-Pont  contained  a good  supply  of  powder 
and  balls,  about  twenty  old  bronze  pieces  of  small 
calibre,  six  twenty-four  pounders,  two  howitzers,  four 
small  mortars,  and  about  a hundred  muskets  past  ser- 
vice. The  six  gendarmes  remaining  till  then  at  La 
Roche-Pont  had  been  summoned  to  Dijon  at  the  begin- 
ning of  January. 

Captain  Allaud  asked  for  co-operation  in  repairing  the 
arms,  making  cartouches  and  cartridges,  repairing  the 
parapets,  the  traverses,  and  epaulements,  and  fabricating 
gabions  and  fascines  ; and  the  women  made  bags  for 
earth, — as  if  it  had  been  possible  to  sustain  a siege  with 
the  sixty  veterans  and  the  three  companies  of  National 
Guards,  forming  a total  of  two  hundred  and  sixty  men. 
The  Prefect  of  Dijon  had  transmitted  the  order  for  these 
select  companies  of  National  Guards  to  fall  back  upon 
Langres,  but  the  order  had  not  arrived.  The  royalists 
shrugged  their  shoulders  on  seeing  these  two  hundred 
and  sixty  National  Guards  exercising  on  the  platform  of 
the  outwork,  and  went  so  far  as  to  joke  in  the  places  of 
public  resort  about.  Captain  Allaud’s  garrison.  He  could 


320 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


not  put  up  with  raillery,  and  talked  aloud  to  his  men 
about  running  their  swords  through  the  jokers.  High 
words  and  even  blows  were  exchanged  in  the  cafés.  The 
mayor  ventured  to  interpose  his  authority  ; he  was  in- 
sulted and  called  a traitor,  and  the  captain  was  informed 
of  the  intrigues  set  on  foot  by  the  royalists.  At  night  the 
captain  had  the  gates  of  the  cité  shut,  and  the  antagonism 
between  the  upper  and  lower  town  was  increasing  in 
violence.  “ If  the  Austrians  come,”  said  the  captain, 
“the  houses  of  these  royalist  traitors  will  be  the  first 
marks  for  our  balls  ! ” Both  parties  became  excited,  and 
the  mayor  had  the  impudence  to  ask  the  captain  on 
whose  authority  he  was  acting.  “ I am  the  commandant 
de  place,”  replied  the  veteran,  “since  there  is  no  other 
officer  here,  and  La  Roche-Pont  is  a defensible  place.  . . 
To  prove  it  to  you  I arrest  you  ! ” And  he  had  the 
mayor  conducted  to  the  citadel. 

Great  was  the  excitement  in  the  town,  but  the  royalists 
were  in  a feeble  minority,  and  dared  not  stir.  They 
cried  “Vive  le  Gouverneur!”  in  the  taverns.  The  mob 
attempted  to  plunder  the  mayor’s  house,  which  was  situ- 
ated on  the  cité,  and  the  captain  had  great  difficulty  in 
putting  down  the  disturbance.  “Rascals!”  cried  he  to 
the  fellows  who  were  already  breaking  in  the  doors  of 
the  house,  “ I will  have  you  shot  like  dogs.  Sacrebleu  ! 
you  can  break  open  doors  ; we  shall  see  whether  you  have 
so  much  pluck  when  the  Germans  come!  Here,”  added 
he,  turning  to  a dozen  veterans,  who  were  following  him, 
“clear  the  place  of  this  canaille!”  and,  setting  the  ex- 
ample, he  dealt  blows  in  abundance  with  the  flat  of  his 
sword  on  the  backs  of  the  plunderers. 

It  was  the  morning  following  this  riot  when  the  French 
corps  above  spoken  of  presented  itself  before  La  Roche- 
Pont.  It  was  welcomed  in  the  upper  town  with  every 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


321 


demonstration  of  joy.  An  army  come  to  their  help  mag- 
nificently accoutred  and  provided  would  not  have  been 
better  received.  But  this  troop,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  and 
having  eaten  nothing  for  twenty-four  hours,  without  ar- 
tillery or  munitions,  had  all  the  appearance  of  a band  of 
fugitives.  Covered  with  mud,  and  scantily  clothed,  these 
poor  soldiers  seemed  scarcely  able  even  to  defend  them- 
selves. But  in  such  times  of  distress,  so  much  do  people 
cling  to  any  semblance  of  hope,  that  the  sight  of  a friendly 
uniform  revives  every  heart.  Seeing  themselves  so  well 
received,  these  brave  fellows  made  their  entrance  into  the 
city  in  good  order,  and  presented  when  defiling  through 
the  streets,  in  spite  of  their  exhaustion,  a martial  appear- 
ance which  redoubled  the  enthusiasm  of  the  inhabitants. 
A colonel,  three  chiefs  of  battalions,  and  some  captains,  of 
whom  one  belonged  to  the  artillery,  composed  the  staff. 
Two  hours  after  their  arrival,  these  soldiers,  most  of  whom 
had  seen  much  service,  having  rested  well  and  brushed 
themselves  up,  presented  a very  different  appearance. 

The  news  brought  by  this  small  corps  proved  clearly 
enough  that  there  was  no  time  to  lose,  if  they  wanted 
to  put  the  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  in  a condition  to  de- 
fend itself  with  honour,  if  not  with  hope  of  success.  The 
colonel,  of  course,  took  the  command  ; his  name  was 
Dubois.  He  had  been  in  the  campaign  in  Portugal, 
then  in  Russia,  whence  he  had  returned  captain,  and 
having  been  appointed  chef  de  bataillon  in  the  Saxon 
campaign,  he  had  distinguished  himself  at  Dresden,  and 
had  been  a colonel  from  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Leipzig. 
He  was  a man  of  about  thirty,  but  appeared  to  be  much 
older.  He  had  scarcely  seen  anything  but  the  disastrous 
side  of  French  glory.  His  countenance,  therefore,  did  not 
bear  that  impress  of  confidence  which  was  exhibited  by 
many  of  his  brethren  in  arms,  who  had  been  less  tried  than 


Y 


322 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


himself  by  the  misfortunes  of  the  times.  Of  the  war  in 
Spain  he  had  seen  only  the  miseries,  the  privations,  the 
failure  of  order,  the  utter  disintegration.  With  Ney  on 
the  return  from  Moscow  he  had  learned  what  the  perform- 
ance of  duty  is  without  the  prestige  of  glory.  At  Dres- 
den, the  regiment  to  which  he  was  attached  had  lost  half 
its  men  ; and  the  disaster  of  Leipzig  had  followed.  With 
each  grade  in  his  promotion  was  associated  a mournful 
date 

Colonel  Dubois  had  an  appearance  of  coldness  that 
served  to  hide  his  natural  timidity  and  profound  distrust 
of  his  fellow-men.  It  must  be  allowed  that  there  were 
reasons  for  his  distrust  of  men  and  things.  Entering  the 
service  at  the  age  of  twenty  as  a common  soldier,  though 
he  belonged  to  an  honourable  family  in  Poitou  and  had 
spent  his  earliest  years  in  the  bosom  of  his  family,  he 
had  seen  only  the  sinister  side  of  warfare,  and  his  first 
companions  in  arms  did  not  respond  to  his  ideal  of  the 
soldier’s  character.  It  was  still  worse  when  he  went  to 
Spain.  His  delicate  nature  had  fallen  back  on  itself,  and 
allowed  no  sign  of  pity  or  even  sympathy  for  anyone  to 
be  visible.  Yet  so  profoundly  does  what  we  call  “heart” 
imprint  itself  on  every  action,  even  when  its  possessor 
attempts  to  conceal  its  slightest  manifestation,  that  this 
man,  in  appearance  so  cold,  and  who  was  not  known  to 
have  a friend,  exercised  a moral  authority  over  his  soldiers 
which  was  very  rare  at  that  time. 

The  soldier — an  infallible  judge  in  this  matter — is  able 
to  discover  the  weak  side  of  the  officer  ; but  he  only 
esteems  him  and  confides  entirely  in  him  when  he  recog- 
nizes besides  military  talents  a soul  of  energetic  vigour  and 
a heart  that  beats  in  unison  with  his  own.  The  soldier’s 
glance  can  penetrate  without  difficulty  a cold  and  harsh 
exterior,  and  soon  discovers  whether  this  appearance 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


323 


conceals  insufficiency,  stupidity,  or  pride  ; or  whether  it 
is  only  the  countenance  of  a man  accustomed  to  com- 
mand— the  exterior  of  a soul  really  accessible  to  all 
human  sentiments. 

In  an  action  Dubois  could  see  his  men  fall  without  the 
slightest  show  of  emotion,  and  would  not  permit  a soldier 
to  leave  his  place  to  help  them  ; but  after  the  battle  he 
was  the  first  and  the  most  attentive  in  relieving  the 
wounded,  and  would  take  no  rest  till  they  were  carried  to 
the  ambulances. 

Of  the  three  battalions  (they  were  not  complete)  which 
he  commanded,  two  belonged  to  his  own  regiment  ; the 
third  was  composed  of  fragments  drawn  from  all  sides. 
Nevertheless,  after  two  or  three  days’  march,  all  these  men, 
as  well  as  the  companies  of  various  arms  which  he  was  to 
lead  to  Troyes,  knew  Colonel  Dubois  better  perhaps  than 
he  knew  himself.  These  brave  men,  after  some  hours’  rest 
were  well  satisfied  to  submit  to  circumstances  and  remain 
under  the  orders  of  their  Colonel  de  Bois,  as  they  used  to 
call  him — and  thought  it  a fine  joke  to  defend  themselves 
in  this  nest  of  La  Roche-Pont,  cut  off  from  all  help. 

Though  in  concert  with  Captain  Allaud  he  made  the 
most  needful  preparations  for  defence — were  it  only  to 
save  his  own  honour — Colonel  Dubois  wished  to  ascertain 
whether  it  was  possible  to  reach  Langres  and  Troyes 
without  compromising  his  troops.  He  therefore  instructed 
a young  orderly  officer  of  energy  and  intelligence,  by  whom 
he  was  accompanied  — giving  him  two  attendants  and  two 
guides  from  the  town  and  known  to  the  captain,  all 
mounted — to  reconnoitre  the  route  and  return  as  quickly 
as  possible. 

We  have  seen  that  before  the  colonel’s  arrival  the  de- 
fenders numbered  three  hundred  and  twenty  men,  of 
whom  sixty  were  veterans.  Among  these  men  about  fifty 

Y 2 


324 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


were  capable  of  serving  the  guns,  having  been  artillerymen. 
The  troop  brought  by  the  colonel  consisted  of  three 
battalions,  in  all  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  twenty- five  artillerymen,  and  thirty  dismounted 
horsemen;  total,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  men,  including  officers. 

Provisions  were  the  first  question.  The  colonel,  having 
learned  the  arrest  of  the  mayor,  summoned  him  into  his 
presence,  and  soon  heard  the  confession  of  the  municipal 
magistrate.  He  gave  him  to  understand  that  the  proofs 
of  his  royalist  intrigues  were  sufficient  to  justify  his  being 
shot  there  and  then,  and  that  the  only  means  of  avoiding 
this  unpleasant  necessity  was  to  set  about  provisioning  the 
city  without  a moment’s  delay.  He  added  that  he  only 
commanded  the  vanguard  of  a corps  d'armée , marching 
from  Lyons  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  while  the  Emperor 
was  to  take  them  in  front  : it  was  important  therefore  for 
the  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  to  be  in  a position  to  resist  for 
some  days,  and  if  it  were  obliged  to  surrender  for  want  of 
provisions,  the  Emperor’s  Government  would  lay  blame  on 
the  mayor,  as  having  an  understanding  with  the  enemy, 
and  then  it  was  all  over  with  him. 

The  poor  mayor,  more  dead  than  alive,  promised  every- 
thing, and  swore  by  all  the  saints  that  he  was  devoted  to 
the  Emperor,  and  that  in  four-and-twenty  hours  the 
fortress  should  be  supplied  with  all  the  provisions  that 
could  be  found  in  the  neighbourhood.  “ I don’t  know  what 
there  maybe  in  the  neighbourhood,”  replied  the  colonel  ; 
“ you  probably  do  ; but  I have  to  tell  you  that  by  four 
o’clock  to-morrow  afternoon — it  is  now  a quarter-past  six 
— there  must  be  on  this  spot,  first,  rations  of  meal,  meat, 
and  wine  for  a garrison  of  two  thousand  men  for  twenty- 
five  days  at  least  ; secondly,  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
must  also  be  provisioned  for  thirty  days;  and  that  if  this 


THE  S EVEN 'I  H SIEGE. 


325 


is  not  done,  I shall  be  unfortunately  obliged  to  send  you 
back  to  your  place  of  confinement,  where  you  will  await 
the  decision  of  the  Emperor’s  Government  ; I am  going  to 
give  you  twenty  men  to  accompany  you  and  help  you. 
Planton  ! ask  the  major  to  come  here  ! ” “ But,  colonel,” 

said  the  mayor,  “ you  must  be  aware  that  at  this  time  of 
the  year  I shall  have  great  difficulty — ” “You  prefer  then 
to  return  to  prison  immediately  ? ” interrupted  the  colonel. 
“ Major  ! ” said  he  when  this  officer  was  introduced,  “ Mon- 
sieur le  maire  de  la  Roche-Pont  engages  to  provision  the 
town  within  twenty-four  hours.  Here  is  a list  of  what  is 
required.  You  will  accompany  him,  and  have  twenty 
pressed  men  with  you — thirty  if  you  want  them.  You 
must  begin  at  once.  I wish  you  good  luck,  Monsieur  le 
maire.”  Addressing  himself  to  the  major,  while  the  mayor 
was  retiring,  pale  and  covered  with  perspiration,  in  spite 
of  the  cold  : “ Do  not  suffer  this  man  to  go  out  of  your 
sight,  he  is  a Royalist;  keep  him  at  work,  and  bring  him 
back  here  with  the  provisions.”  “ I understand,  colonel.” 
It  was  many  years  since  the  upper  and  lower  town  of  La 
Roche-Pont  had  been  so  animated.  The  upper  town  re- 
sounded with  the  noise  of  arms,  of  the  excavators  joiner 
to  the  works,  of  guns  being  taken  from  the  arsenal  and 
mounted  in  the  batteries,  and  of  the  repairing  of  the 
carriages.  In  another  part  the  carpenters  were  at  work 
making  platforms.  As  in  former  times,  women  mingled 
with  the  workmen  and  brought  bundles  of  willows  cut 
from  the  side  of  the  pool  to  make  gabions.  Behind  every 
window  some  were  to  be  seen  sewing  bags  for  earth. 
Wheelwrights  were  repairing  wheels  ; and  all  engaged 
were  singing  and  laughing  as  if  they  were  preparing  for  a 
fête.  The  meal  and  forage  carts  were  coming  in,  while 
pigs,  cows,  and  sheep  were  rendering  the  streets  almost 
impassable. 


326  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

The  lower  town  presented  a different  aspect  : the  cafés 
were  full,  and  all  were  talking  at  once  and  very  loud.  The 
mayor,  followed  by  the  major,  who  kept  close  to  his  elbow, 
and  by  his  staff  of  assistants,  was  making  his  visits  to  the 
shops  and  houses. 

The  whole  of  the  population  was  at  the  windows  or 
at  the  door-sills.  Carts  were  got  ready,  and  the  twenty 
pressed  men  filled  them  in  no  time  ; if  horses  could  not  be 
found  to  draw  them,  the  workmen  pushed  at  the  wheels. 
Some  large  houses,  however,  remained  closely  shut. 

They  had  to  go  through  the  valley  and  visit  the  farmers 
and  millers  of  the  neighbourhood.  Many  inhabitants  of 
the  upper  town  went  down  in  search  of  hams,  meal,  and 
grains.  The  grocers’  shops  and  the  pork  shops  were 
emptied  one  after  the  other;  provisions  were  rising  in  price, 
so  that  the  last  ham  was  sold,  at  three  o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon, for  sixty  francs. 

At  four  o’clock  the  mayor,  followed  like  his  shadow  by 
the  major,  presented  himself  before  the  colonel  and  gave 
him  the  list  of  all  the  provisions  he  had  been  able  to  bring 
into  the  upper  town.  The  colonel  bade  him  sit  down,  and 
examined  the  account  carefully,  asking  many  questions  and 
appealing  to  the  major’s  testimony  respecting  the  correct- 
ness of  the  statements.  The  twenty-five  days’  rations  for 
the  two  thousand  men  were  found  complete,  thanks  to  a 
good  stock  of  un-ground  corn  which  made  up  for  what  was 
wanting  in  meal. 

The  colonel  expressed  himself  satisfied,  especially  as 
they  had  found  in  the  castle  some  few  hundred-weight  of 
biscuit  in  good  condition.  “ Thank  you,  Monsieur  le 
maire,”  said  he  ; “ you  must  be  fatigued,  and  may  return 
home  ; but  as  I am  not  unaware  of  the  ill-feeling  of  some 
bad  sort  of  people  towards  you,  you  shall  have  a man  on 
guard  posted  at  your  door  ; and  I must  beg  you  not  to  quit 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


327 


your  house  except  to  go  to  your  office,  which  fortunately 
is  situated  in  the  upper  town,  which  will  enable  you,  when 
we  are  invested,  to  fulfil  your  functions  with  the  zeal  you 
have  just  manifested. 

“ I will  also  beg  you  to  make  arrangements  without 
delay  for  an  ambulance  with  fifty  beds  duly  furnished — 
suppose  we  say  to-night — and  to  send  me  the  surgeons  of 
the  town,  if  there  are  any  at  La  Roche-Pont,  this  very 
evening.  . . . Major  ! accompany  Monsieur  le  maire  while 
he  attends  to  this  business,  so  that  no  harm  may  befal 
him.  . . .” 

That  same  day,  at  eight  o’clock  in  the  evening,  the  re- 
connaissance returned  and  reported  what  they  had  seen. 

The  enemy  was  at  Gray  near  Champlitte,  and  was  occu- 
pying the  roads  between  Gray  and  Thil-le-Châtel.  His 
force  had  been  seen  at  Bèze,  about  eighteen  miles  from  La 
Roche-Pont.  Communication  between  Dijon  and  Langres 
was  cut  off  : and  although  the  enemy  had  not  occupied 
that  town,  he  was  forming  a curtain  between  it  and  the 
north  to  mask  his  ulterior  movements. 

The  circumstantial  details  given  by  his  orderly  officer 
confirmed  the  colonel  in  the  idea  that  the  army  of  Bohemia 
was  paying  but  little  attention  to  what  was  taking  place  in 
his  rear,  but  was  pushing  on  towards  the  capital  by  the 
basin  of  the  Seine.  “ Ah  ! ” said  the  colonel,  when  he  had 
heard  every  particular  from  the  young  officer,  “if  we  only 
had  twenty  thousand  of  those  men  who  were  lost  in  Russia, 
we  could  make  these  German  and  Russian  gentlemen  pay 
dearly  for  their  temerity,  and  few  of  them  would  see  the 
other  side  of  the  Rhine  again.” 

Colonel  Dubois  therefore  determined  to  follow  the 
second  part  of  his  instructions.  He  sent  a reliable  man, 
selected  by  Captain  Allaud,  to  Auxonne  to  inform  the 
governor  of  the  place — if  the  town  was  not  already  occu- 


328 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


pied — that  he  was  holding  La  Roche-Pont,  that  he  was  in  a 
condition  to  defend  himself  there  for  some  time,  and  that 
he  should  wish  all  isolated  detachments  and  any  provisions 
or  munitions  that  had  no  particular  destination  to  be  sent 
to  him. 

Up  to  the  15th  of  January  the  town  of  La  Roche-Pont 
had  not  seen  a single  enemy.  The  centre  column  of  Prince 
Schwartzenberg’s  army  was  marching  in  the  direction  of 
Gray  along  the  heights  of  the  Seine  and  Marne  basins,  and 
avoiding  the  Lower  Saône.  This  delay  had  allowed  ad- 
ditional munitions  to  be  brought  into  the  town,  and  the 
garrison  increased  by  some  recruits  who,  not  being  able  to 
join  their  regiments,  were  wandering  about  without  orders. 
Four  pieces  of  field  artillery,  whose  carriages  were  out  of 
repair,  had  also  been  got  into  the  town.  The  colonel  had 
put  himself  in  communication  with  Lyons  ; and  Marshal 
Augereau,  still  hoping  to  commence  offensive  operations, 
had  confirmed  the  previous  orders  that  had  been  given — 
that  is  to  say,  to  hold  La  Roche-Pont,  and  to  gain  all  pos- 
sible information  respecting  the  enemy’s  movements  in 
the  north. 

Towards  the  end  of  January  the  great  army  of  Bohemia 
had  some  grounds  for  apprehending  an  attack  on  its  rear  ; 
and  Prince  Sçhwaitzenberg  knew  that  from  Macon  along 
the  ascent  of  the  Saône,  and  as  far  as  the  countries  inter- 
sected by  hills  which  form  a part  of  Upper  Burgundy,  a 
nucleus  of  resistance  was  being  formed  which  might  at  any 
moment  take  the  offensive  and  embarrass  him  greatly. 
After  the  battle  of  Brienne  (29th  of  January),  as  the  result 
of  which  the  Prussians  were  thrown  back  by  Napoleon  on 
La  Rothière,  the  sovereigns  assembled  in  Prince  Schwartz- 
enberg’s neighbourhood  deliberated  as  to  whether  they 
should  stop  short  at  Langres  or  risk  advancing  alone 
against  the  troops  commanded  by  the  Emperor. 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


32? 


This  indecision  with  regard  to  ulterior  operations  led  to  a 
more  effective  concentration  and  the  occupation  of  a circle 
cf  wider  radius  around  Langres. 

Orders  were  then  given  to  a body  of  four  thousand  of  the 
allied  Bavarians  and  Austrians  to  invest  La  Roche-Pont, 
and  to  guard  the  route  from  Lyons  to  Langres. 

It  was  not  till  the  1st  of  February  that  the  front  of  this 
corps  showed  itself  before  La  Roche-Pont. 

Colonel  Dubois  had  not  been  wasting  time  : the  garri- 
son was  provisioned  for  more  than  six  weeks,  and 
munitions  were  not  wanting.  This  superior  officer  had 
put  everything  in  order  ; and  his  troops,  motley  in  ap- 
pearance, certainly,  but  well  rested  and  full  of  confidence, 
amounted  at  that  time  to  more  than  nineteen  hundred 
men,  of  whom  twelve  hundred  were  experienced  soldiers 
who  might  be  relied  upon.  The  works  on  the  north 
were  well  armed  and  the  defences  in  good  condition, 
duly  furnished  with  palisades,  traverses,  and  appliances 
for  shelter. 

On  the  evening  of  the  2nd  of  February,  some  of  the 
enemy’s  horse  were  caracoling  at  a distance  of  about  two 
hundred  yards  from  the  works  ; this  bravado  cost  them 
about  a dozen  men. 

The  enemy,  however,  did  not  seem  desirous  of  under- 
taking a regular  siege,  but  took  up  a position  about  a 
mile  from  the  northern  salient  ; he  sent  detachments  to 
occupy  the  faubourg  on  the  left  bank,  and  raised  an  en- 
campment on  the  eastern  hills. 

The  colonel  had  blown  up  the  stone-bridge  and  destroyed 
the  foot-bridges. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  February  an  envoy 
appeared  on  the  glacis  and  handed  on  to  the  governor 
of  the  place  a summons  from  General  Werther,  demanding 
the  surrender  of  La  Roche-Pont  to  the  troops  of  the  allied 


330 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


princes.  The  garrison  would  be  allowed  to  retire  south- 
wards with  arms,  baggage,  and  field  artillery. 

The  colonel  replied  that  the  place  was  sufficiently  strong 
and  well  provided  ; it  would  not  capitulate  till  the  moment 
when  the  breaches  were  no  longer  tenable  ; and  he  judged 
that  the  defence  could  not  be  prolonged  to  any  purpose. 

The  following  night  Colonel  Dubois  sent  out  a hundred 
men  to  try  the  strength  of  the  enemy’s  outposts  and  re* 
connoitre  their  positions. 

By  the  end  of  the  two  following  days — the  5 th  and  6th 
— the  investment  was  almost  complete,  and  the  com- 
munication with  the  surrounding  country  interrupted.  On 
the  evening  of  the  9th  there  came  another  summons  from 
the  enemy’s  general,  declaring  that  if  the  place  were  not 
surrendered  within  twenty-four  hours  the  bombardment 
would  commence.  The  colonel  replied  as  before. 

In  fact,  on  the  10th  of  February  a mortar  battery 
opened  fire,  first  on  the  northern  salient,  about  eight 
o’clock  in  the  evening.  The  bombs  produced  no  effect, 
and  in  ten  hours’  bombardment  only  eight  men  had  been 
struck,  the  roof  of  one  of  the  barracks  broken  in,  and  two 
gun-carriages  damaged. 

The  pieces  of  large  calibre  mounted  on  the  cavaliers  of 
the  bastions  of  the  work  did  not  begin  to  fire  on  the  mortar 
battery  until  daybreak,  and  silenced  it  about  noon.  The 
enemy  appeared  then  to  limit  his  efforts  to  the  investment  ; 
and  it  was  not  till  the  17th  of  February,  probably  in  con- 
sequence of  news  received  from  the  north,  that  he  appeared 
to  decide  on  a regular  siege.  Perhaps  until  this  moment 
he  had  not  the  needful  appliances. 

On  the  night  of  the  17th,  the  first  parallel  was  com- 
menced about  six  hundred  yards  from  the  salient  of  the  re- 
entering place  d'armes  (Fig.  70),  as  also  the  communications 
between  this  parallel  and  the  depots.  About  two  o’clock 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE 


33i 


in  the  morning  the  governor  sent  out  a hundred  and  fifty 
men,  who  charged  the  advanced  posts  protecting  the 
workmen  on  the  western  side  of  the  plateau,  and  forced 
their  passage  through  to  the  trench  ; put  the  sappers  to 
rout,  took  some  of  their  tools,  and  then,  seeing  themselves 
taken  in  flank,  rushed  up  the  slopes  of  the  plateau,  and  re- 
entered by  the  postern  of  the  lower  town,  protected  by  the 
fires  of  the  demi-bastion. 

On  the  1 8th  of  February  those  who  worked  by  day 
finished  what  their  comrades,  told  off  for  night  work,  had 
commenced  ; and  the  engineers  fixed  in  the  parallel  the 
prolongations  of  the  works  of  the  place,  which  they  were 
intending  to  ricochet,  with  a view  to  planting  the  first  bat- 
teries. By  the  method  in  which  the  besieger  was  proceed- 
ing, Colonel  Dubois  and  Captain  Allaud  had  no  difficulty 
in  perceiving  that  they  had  to  do  with  a methodical  enemy, 
who  would  conduct  his  attack  according  to  the  rules  of  the 
art,  and  would  employ  the  acknowledged  methods  of  ap- 
proach against  the  main  work  of  La  Roche-Pont.  The 
commander  of  the  Bavarian  engineers,  in  fact,  had  drawn 
out  the  plan  of  siege  as  exhibited  in  Fig.  70. 

On  the  night  of  the  18th  of  February  he  commenced 
the  ricochet  batteries  of  the  first  parallel,  and  the  boyaux 
of  communication  that  were  to  lead  to  the  second  parallel  ; 
the  works  were  continued  by  day.  He  was  intending  to 
direct  the  siege  in  the  method  we  are  going  to  describe. 

On  the  third  night  the  batteries  of  the  first  parallel  were 
completed  so  as  to  fire  in  concert  at  daybreak. 

The  fourth  night,  supposing  the  artillery  of  the  besieged 
to  be  silenced,  they  would  commence  the  second  parallel, 
and  the  fifth  night  the  counter-batteries  parallel  and  per- 
pendicular to  the  faces  to  be  cannonaded. 

The  sixth  night  would  be  occupied  with  the  continual 
tion  of  the  counter-batteries  and  the  commencement,  by 


332 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


sap,  of  the  zigzags  about  as  far  as  one  hundred  and 
sixty  yards  from  the  crest  of  the  salient  angles  of  the 
covered  way. 

During  the  seventh  night  the  construction  of  the  counter- 
batteries would  be  finished,  and  they  would  dig  the  demi- 
parallels. 

On  the  eighth  night  they  would  continue  to  advance  by 
sap  in  zigzag,  and  arm  the  demi-parallel  with  howitzers 
and  mortars,  to  commence  their  fire  at  daybreak  at  the 
same  time  as  the  counter-batteries. 

On  the  ninth  night  the  sap-fronts  would  reach  the  glacis 
fifty  or  sixty  yards  from  the  salient  angles  of  the  covered 
way,  and  the  zigzags  would  enter  the  third  parallel,  which 
they  would  continue  by  day. 

On  the  tenth  night  the  works  would  be  completed,  the 
third  parallel  should  be  finished,  and  batteries  of  stone 
mortars  planted  there. 

On  the  eleventh  night  they  were  to  drive  two  saps  a 
length  of  twenty-six  or  thirty  yards,  right  and  left  of  the 
capital  (Fig.  71).  They  would  dig  the  circular  trenches, 
and  then  advance  straight  on  the  capital  by  double  sap  to 
within  range  of  hand-grenades;  twenty-six  to  thirty  yards 
from  the  salient  of  the  places  d'armes.  Protected  by  the 
fire  of  the  third  parallel,  this  work  would  be  continued 
by  day. 

The  twelfth  night  would  be  employed  in  tracing  the 
trench  cavalier  by  means  of  two  saps  ; these  works  were 
to  be  terminated  by  day. 

The  thirteenth  night,  starting  from  the  extremities  of 
the  trench  cavaliers  near  the  capitals,  by  double  sap,  they 
would  crown  the  salient  angles  of  the  covered  way.  At 
daybreak  these  crownings  would  be  finished,  and  the 
construction  of  the  counter-batteries  commenced.  They 
would  get  down  by  means  of  two  saps  (Fig.  71)  to  the 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE . 


333 


place  d' armes,  to  establish  a lodgment  parallel  to  the 
rounding  of  the  ditches. 

If  necessary,  they  would  drive  right  and  left  of  the 
crowning  two  saps  which  would  meet  each  other  in  the 
middle  of  this  crowning.  A fourth  parallel  would,  if  ne- 
cessary, be  established,  on  which  they  would  then  place 
the  stone  mortars  of  the  third  parallel.  If  this  fourth 
parallel  was  not  needed,  they  would  advance  from  the 
third  parallel  by  means  of  a double  sap  directly  upon  the 
salient  of  the  re-entering  place  d'armes. 

The  fourteenth  night  the  crowning  was  to  be  extended 
along  the  branches  of  the  covered  way  as  far  as  the  first 
traverse.  The  construction  of  the  counter-batteries,  and 
that  of  the  fourth  parallel,  would  be  continued.  If  this 
fourth  parallel  were  not  required,  the  saps  would  reach 
to  the  salient  of  the  re-entering  place  d'armes , which  they 
would  crown.  At  daybreak  the  breach  batteries  would 
be  commenced. 

On  the  fifteenth  night  these  works  would  be  completed  ; 
then,  if  they  had  been  obliged  to  dig  a fourth  parallel, 
they  would  diverge  from  that  in  two  saps  which  would 
unite  to  form  a strong  traverse,  under  shelter  of  which 
these  saps  would  reach  as  far  as  the  salient  of  the  re- 
entering place  d'armes , which  they  would  crown  by  ex- 
tending that  crowning  right  and  left.  They  would  then 
have  to  commence  the  descent  of  the  ditch. 

During  the  sixteenth  night  the  breach  batteries  would 
be  terminated,  and  would  begin  firing.  They  would  work 
at  the  descent  of  the  ditch.  If  possible,  they  would  get 
down  into  the  place  d'armes  to  install  themselves  and 
plant  a battery  of  stone  mortars  there. 

The  seventeenth  night  would  be  occupied  in  finishing 
the  descent  to  the  ditch,  and  they  would  commence  the 
epaulement  of  the  passage. 


334 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


During  the  eighteenth  night  they  would  begin  to  make 
a breach,  and  advance  the  passage  of  the  ditch  of  the 
breach,  which  should  be  effected  in  the  morning. 

During  the  nineteenth  night  they  would  reconnoitre  the 
breach,  and  the  sappers  would  render  it  practicable. 
They  would  terminate  the  epaulements  of  the  passage  of 
the  ditch,  that  the  assault  might  be  made  next  day. 

Thus,  according  to  the  plan  of  the  siege,  in  nineteen 
times  twenty-four  hours  the  place  would  be  in  the  power 
of  the  enemy. 

The  lines  were  fixed  upon,  and  General  Werther  did  not 
doubt  of  success,  as  he  did  not  imagine  that  La  Roche-Pont 
could  be  succoured,  and  was  aware  of  the  weakness  of 
the  garrison  and  the  inefficient  character  of  its  artillery. 

Nevertheless,  these  theoretic  calculations  were  somewhat 
disconcerted  by  the  energy  of  the  defence. 

Colonel  Dubois  had  not  men  enough  to  act  efficiently  at 
a distance  ; he  did  his  utmost  to  economise  his  strength, 
and  contented  himself  with  impeding  the  works  at  the 
commencement  with  his  artillery.  This  consisted,  as  we 
have  seen,  of — 


Guns  of  various  calibre 20 

Twenty-four  pounders 6 

Howitzers 2 

Mortars 4 

Field-pieces 4 

Total  of  ordnance 36 


A dozen  stone  mortars  and  rampart  rifles  formed  the 
rest  of  the  artillery.  The  arsenal  contained  also  a certain 
supply  of  hand-grenades  and  fireworks. 

At  length,  on  the  20th  of  February,  the  batteries  of  the 
first  parallel,  to  the  number  of  ten,  opened  their  fire.  Each 
of  them  was  armed  with  three  guns  ; the  first  on  the  right 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


335 


(of  the  besieger),  à ricochet,  raked  the  covered  way  in  front 
of  the  right  face  of  the  left  bastion  (of  the  besieged).  The 
second  swept  the  right  face  of  the  left  demi  lune  ; the 
third,  the  left  face  of  the  middle  demi-lune;  the  fourth,  à 
ricochet,  raked  the  covered  way  in  front  of  the  left  face 
of  the  left  bastion  ; the  fifth  swept  the  salient  of  the 
demi-lune  ; the  sixth  swept  the  right  face  of  that  demi- 
lune ; the  seventh,  à ricochet,  raked  the  covered  way  in  front 
of  the  left  face  of  the  right  bastion  ; the  eighth,  à ricochet, 
raked  the  left  face  of  the  demi-lune  in  the  centre  ; the 
ninth  swept  the  left  face  of  the  right  demi-lune  ; and  the 
tenth,  à ricochet,  raked  the  covered  way  before  the  left  face 
of  the  right  bastion.  Four  mortars  were  mounted  between 
the  batteries  4 and  5,  6 and  7.  Captain  Allaud  did  not 
doubt  that  the  principal  attack  would  be  directed  to  the 
left  bastion  ; he  had  the  gorge  of  this  bastion  therefore 
retrenched  during  the  night.  The  six  twenty-four  pounders 
were  placed  in  battery  on  the  cavaliers  of  the  bastions  of 
the  main  defence,  and  well  sheltered  by  traverses  and 
blindages.  These  six  pieces  concentrated  their  fire  on  the 
fourth  and  fifth  batteries  of  the  besieger,  and  succeeded  in 
silencing  their  fire  about  noon.  Then  they  fired  on  battery 
No.  3,  and  before  night  silenced  its  three  guns  also.  The 
guns  in  battery  on  the  cavaliers  of  the  bastions  of  the  work 
were  sufficiently  well  sheltered  not  to  be  in  danger  from 
the  enemy’s  projectiles,  to  which  they  responded  only 
feebly.  But  on  the  night  of  the  20th  February  the  plans 
of  the  besieger  had  to  be  modified.  At  midnight  the 
colonel  ordered  five  hundred  men  to  arm,  put  horses  to 
his  four  field-pieces,  whose  wheels  had  been  covered  with 
rags  and  wool,  and  going  out  by  the  left  demi-lune,  he  had 
two  pieces  placed  on  the  right  and  two  on  the  left  of  the 
road,  two  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  glacis,  and,  on  the 
road  itself,  the  two  howitzers,  a hundred  yards  behind. 


336 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Then  he  advanced  resolutely  towards  the  communicating 
boyau,  between  the  third  and  fourth  of  the  enemy’s  bat- 
teries, whose  fire  had  been  silenced.  The  posts  offered 
but  a slight  resistance  ; the  sappers  fled,  abandoning  the 
trench,  and  were  pursued  to  the  batteries  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet. 

The  reinforcements  then  arrived,  and  the  colonel  drew 
back  his  men  quietly,  by  echelons,  to  the  guns.  These 
then  opened  a simultaneous  fire  on  the  enemy  with  grape  ; 
and  the  five  hundred  men  advanced  once  more,  and 
brought  back  some  prisoners,  but  seeing  themselves  again 
attacked  by  a superior  force,  fell  back.  This  time  the 
Germans  did  not  go  beyond  their  trenches,  but  contented 
themselves  with  a few  volleys  of  grape  at  random.  This 
skirmish  did  not  last  more  than  half  an  hour.  At  one 
o’clock  A.M.  Captain  Allaud  placed  two  hundred  workmen 
at  a distance  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  front  of  the 
face  of  the  left  demi-lune  No  I,  crossed  by  the  road,  to 
commence  a trench  at  this  point  (Fig.  72).  These  work- 
men were  protected  by  a post  of  one  hundred  men,  and 
the  two  howitzers  left  on  the  road.  This  work  consisted 
of  two  redans,  with  massive  traverse-shelters  (see  A).  It 
was  sufficiently  advanced  at  daybreak  to  be  able  to  shelter 
the  workmen.  When  the  enemy,  who  had  begun  his  work 
again  at  the  trench  boyaux,  B and  C,  in  order  to  commence 
the  second  parallel,  perceived  at  early  dawn  the  new  work 
executed  by  the  besieged,  he  hastened  to  bring  the  fire  of 
battery  No.  1 upon  it,  for  batteries  2,  3,  and  4 had  not  yet 
been  remounted.  But  from  the  cavaliers  of  the  bastions 
No.  I.  and  V.,  six  guns  in  two  hours  siienced  this  battery, 
No.  I,  in  spite  of  the  besieger’s  batteries,  5 and  6.  The 
day  thus  passed  in  cannonading,  and  the  Germans  could 
not  continue  their  boyau  of  communication,  B,  which  was 
raked  by  one  of  the  howitzers  which  the  besieged  had 


FIC.  70. 


THE  THEORETICAL  ATTACK  ON  VAUBAN’S  WORK. 


COO  PEP  4 HUDSON,  UTH,  <8%  $7i 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


337 


placed  behind  the  great  traverse  of  the  salient  of  the  redan 
on  the  left.  They  had  to  modify  the  direction  of  the 
trench,  and  follow  the  dotted  line,  a b. 


Fig.  72. 


During  the  night  of  the  21st  of  February,  Captain 
Allaud  completed  his  redans,  enlarged  the  traverses,  and 
set  up  blindages  for  seven  guns  ; and  in  the  morning  the 

z 


333 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


work  presented  on  the  inner  side  the  appearance  (Fig.  73). 
The  gun  on  the  left,  A,  directed  its  fire  on  battery  No.  1 ; 
the  two  guns  on  the  left  return,  B C,  on  battery  No.  4 ; the 


Fig.  73. 


pieces  D E,  of  the  right  return,  on  battery  No.  1 ; and  the 
two  pieces  F G,  of  the  right  face,  on  battery  No.  6.1  But 


1 See  for  the  numbers  of  the  enemy’s  batteries,  Fig.  72. 


THE  THIRD  PARALLEL  AND  CROWNINC  OF  THE  COVERED-WAY. 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE 


339 


this  did  not  hinder  the  bastions  V.,  VI.,  I.,  II.,  and  III.  from 
firing  on  these  batteries. 

That  same  night,  however,  the  besieger  had  been  able  to 
start  his  second  parallel  ; but  he  was  evidently  embar- 
rassed on  his  right,  and  was  modifying  his  plan  on  this 
side.  He  seemed  to  be  giving  up  an  attempt  on  the 
place  by  the  salient  of  bastion  No.  2,  and  was  working 
actively  on  his  left. 

During  the  22nd  of  February,  the  besiegers  could  not 
restore  battery  No.  I,  because  the  besieged  kept  up  a con- 
stant discharge  on  this  point.  They  succeeded  only  at 
nightfall  in  remounting  their  guns  in  batteries  2 and  3 ; 
and  having  determined  the  range  before  night,  discharged 
the  balls  of  two  guns  on  the  salients  of  the  redans.  About 
midnight  Colonel  Dubois  sent  out  five  hundred  men,  who, 
traversing  the  western  ridge  of  the  plateau,  attacked  battery 
No.  1.  A few  moments  afterwards,  a second  troop  of  four 
hundred  men  attacked  the  two  batteries,  2 and  3 ; and  the 
besieger  having  been  dislodged  from  battery  No.  1,  the 
first  troop  of  the  besieged  came  and  formed  in  line  of 
musketry  between  battery  No.  2 and  the  salient  of  the 
redan  on  the  right  ; while  fusiliers  posted  at  the  trench,  A,1 
and  one  of  the  howitzers,  swept  the  ground  as  far  as 
battery  No.  1,  in  order  to  hinder  the  enemy  from  taking 
the  sortie  in  the  rear. 

This  operation  was  completely  successful  ; not  only  were 
the  works  of  battery  No.  1 damaged,  and  the  three  guns 
with  which  it  was  armed  (the  carriages  belonging  to  these 
guns,  as  stated  above,  were  already  broken),  but  around 
batteries  2 and  3 there  was  a very  sharp  struggle,  which 
resulted  in  the  Germans  being  repulsed,  the  guns  rendered 
useless,  the  munitions  scattered,  and  the  gabions  and  earth- 
bags  thrown  down.  A body  of  a hundred  men  had  also 
1 See  Fig.  72. 


Z 2 


340 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


been  posted  by  the  colonel  on  the  slopes  of  the  plateau  to 
hinder  the  enemy  from  making  his  way  along  that  escarp- 
ment to  attack  the  work  A. 

Under  favour  of  this  sortie,  two  hundred  workmen  had 
been  placed  by  Captain  Allaud  along  the  western  ridge  of 
the  plateau,  to  raise  a new  work,  BCD  (Fig.  74),  which 
consisted  of  three  new  redans  presenting  three  batteries 
each  for  two  guns,  traced  en  crémaillère , and  separated  by 
strong  traverses.  By  the  morning  of  the  23rd  of  February 
the  first  battery,  B,  was  sufficiently  strong  to  resist  pro- 
jectiles. 

Moreover,  this  battery  could  not  be  immediately  at- 
tacked by  battery  No.  I,  which  was  abandoned,  and  whose 
guns  were  useless.  Forty-eight  hours  at  least  were  re- 
quired to  enable  the  besieger  to  restore  batteries  2 and 
3.  Batteries  4 and  5 must  change  their  embrasures  to 
direct  their  fire  on  this  battery  B,  and  only  batteries  6 
and  7 could  sweep  the  redans  A and  B.  Now  these  bat- 
teries, 6 and  7,  received  the  fire  of  the  two  guns  of  the 
right  face  of  the  right-hand  redan,  of  the  two  guns  of  the 
right  face  of  the  bastion  IL,  of  the  two  guns  of  the  left 
face  of  the  bastion  III.,  and  of  a gun  of  the  right  face  of 
the  demi-lune  2.  Every  moment  it  was  necessary  to  repair 
the  gabionades,  and  replace  the  earth-bags  ; and  since  the 
beginning  of  the  day  the  enemy  had  had  ten  artillerymen 
killed,  and  as  many  more  wounded,  in  these  two  batteries. 

The  German  engineer,  who  had  so  methodically  traced 
the  successive  operations  of  the  siege,  was  evidently  em- 
barrassed by  the  strategy  of  the  besieged.  It  was  in  his 
opinion  barbarous,  absolutely  contrary  to  rules,  and  showed 
an  ignorance  of,  and  contempt  for  the  art  of  fortification, 
which  must  end  in  disaster. 

During  the  night  of  the  23rd  of  February  the  Germans 
were  finishing  their  second  parallel,  except  in  the  north- 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


341 


west  side.  They  gave  the  eastern  branch  of  this  parallel 
an  inclination  towards  the  south,1  and  commenced  the 


batteries  u,  12,  13,  14,  and  15.  Battery  13,  of  two  guns, 
was  to  rake  the  work  A. 

1 See  Fig.  74. 


342 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


But  that  same  night  Captain  Allaud  terminated  the 
second  battery,  C,  started  the  third,  D,  had  an  intrench 
ment  made  on  the  ridge  of  the  plateau,  and  raised  an 
epaulement,  E,  to  sweep  the  slopes,  with  a good  parados. 

If  the  besieged  succeeded  in  finishing  and  arming  these 
works,  the  batteries  n and  12  of  the  besieger  would  be 
taken  obliquely,  the  boyaux  of  communication  would 
be  for  the  most  part  raked,  and  the  siege  would  have  to 
be  recommenced.  The  German  general  was  in  a very  bad 
humour,  and  blamed  the  commander  of  the  engineers,  who, 
with  his  plan  on  the  table,  endeavoured  to  show  that  his 
siege  had  been  duly  arranged,  according  to  all  the  rules  of 
the  art  ; that  the  ignorant  temerity  of  these  Frenchmen 
could  not  be  foreseen,  and  that  if  the  Germans  acted  with 
vigour,  they  would  be  made  bitterly  to  repent  of  thus  ad- 
vancing wedge-like  on  the  flank  of  the  attack  ; that  such  a 
thing  had  never  been  seen,  and  that  if  they  concentrated 
three  batteries  on  this  salient  in  the  air,  they  would  soon 
crush  it. 

On  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  February  two  twenty- 
four  pounders,  placed  in  battery  on  the  left  face  of  bastion 
VIII.,  opened  fire  on  batteries  13,  14,  and  15  of  the  be- 
sieger, which  they  raked,  and  damaged  greatly  before 
they  were  completely  finished.  This  time  the  German 
general  proceeded  from  ill-humour  to  passion  and  even 
menaces  ; so  that  the  unfortunate  officer  of  the  engineers, 
repairing  to  these  batteries  after  a violent  scene  to  raise 
traverses  and  rectify  the  line,  which  he  asserted  had  not 
been  executed  conformably  to  his  instructions,  had  his 
head  broken  by  a splinter  from  a gun-carriage. 

The  direction  of  the  engineering  was  then  given  to  a 
young  officer,  who,  after  a conference  with  General  Wer- 
ther, modified  the  plan  of  the  attack.  During  the  24th  of 
the  month  there  was  scarcely  any  firing  on  either  side,  the 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE . 


343 


besieger  firing  only  at  long  intervals.  The  French  garrison, 
which  was  anxious  to  economise  its  munitions,  scarcely 
replied,  but  worked  with  ardour  at  perfecting  its  advanced 
works  on  the  west. 

A sortie  effected  during  the  night  of  the  24th,  to  ascer- 
tain whether  the  enemy  was  re-taking  possession  of  bat- 
teries 1,  2,  and  3,  only  encountered  advanced  posts,  which 
retired  after  a feeble  resistance.  These  three  batteries 
were  in  the  condition  to  which  they  had  been  reduced  by 
the  preceding  sortie. 

Captain  Allaud  employed  the  whole  of  the  night  in 
strengthening  the  batteries  B,  C,  D.  They  were  armed 
with  six  guns,  which  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  swept 
the  boyaux  of  communication  and  a whole  branch  of 
the  second  parallel. 

The  Germans  scarcely  replied,  and  seemed  to  be  aban- 
doning their  works. 

They  were  probably  going  to  try  another  attack.  The 
colonel  was  somewhat  disquieted  at  Captain  Ailaud’s  novel 
strategy,  which,  in  face  of  a bold  assailant,  presented  grave 
perils.  The  calmness  of  the  enemy  made  him  fear  some 
unexpected  design  ; perhaps  a strenuous  attack  on  that 
salient  which,  if  it  were  taken,  would  furnish  the  besiegers 
with  an  excellent  position  for  rapidly  establishing  breach 
batteries  against  demi-lune  No.  1,  and  bastion  II.  This 
salient  therefore  must  be  defended  at  any  cost,  since  they 
had  been  led  to  establish  it  in  order  to  disconcert  the 
systematic  attack  of  the  Germans.  Moreover,  if  they  lost 
it,  they  would  probably  lose  at  the  same  time  most  of  the 
guns  that  armed  it  ; and  the  defence  had  only  a restricted 
number. 

Thirteen  guns  armed  the  advanced  work.  The  two 
howitzers  were  placed  in  battery,  one  at  the  extremity  of 
the  salient  D,  pointed  at  battery  No.  1,  the  other  in  the 


344 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


right  re-entering  place  d'armes  of  the  demi-lune  No.  i.  Two 
guns  were  also  placed  on  the  right  face  of  the  demi-lune  ; 
two  guns  on  the  front,  between  the  bastions  I.  and  IL,  and 
two  guns  on  the  right  and  left  faces  of  this  bastion,  to 
sweep  the  advanced  works  if  they  were  taken.  In  all, 
nineteen  guns  and  two  howitzers.  Besides,  the  ridge  of 
the  plateau  was  well  defended  by  a good  trench-shelter 
with  traverses,  that  the  work  might  not  be  able  to  be  taken 
by  assault  in  rear  by  the  escarpment.  One  of  the  twenty- 
four  pounders  was  placed  in  battery  in  the  bastion  V.  of 
the  main  work,  in  the  direction  of  its  capital,  to  sweep 
this  slope. 

On  the  25th  of  February  only  a few  cannon-shots  were 
exchanged.  The  mortar  batteries  of  the  besieger  concen- 
trated their  fire  on  the  western  redan,  without  doing  much 
damage  ; but  during  the  night  of  the  25th  the  fire  of  the 
bombs  was  so  incessant  that  it  became  difficult  to  labour 
at  these  works.  It  continued  during  the  26th,  but  the 
besieged  dismounted  three  of  these  mortars  with  the  guns 
left  on  the  bastions  II.  and  III.  The  besieged  on  his  side 
placed  the  two  mortars  in  battery  on  the  front  between 
these  two  bastions,  and  sent  projectiles  into  the  batteries 
1 1 and  12. 

During  the  26th  of  the  month  (the  weather  being  clear) 
the  enemy  was  seen  to  be  erecting  three  batteries  on  the 
north-west,  evidently  directed  against  the  batteries  A,  B, 
C,  D,  to  crush  them.  They  could  not  reply  to  their  fire  ; 
the  colonel  therefore  decided  that  they  should  bring  back 
into  the  town  temporarily  the  six  guns  of  the  batteries 
B,  C,  D.  The  bombs  continued  to  fall  into  the  works 
during  the  whole  night  of  the  26th  ; and  on  the  morning  of 
the  27th  the  fire  of  the  three  batteries  of  the  enemy,  erected 
six  hundred  and  fifty  yards  behind  the  abandoned  battery 
No.  1,  was  opened  against  the  redans  B,  C,  D ; it  lasted 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


345 


the  whole  night  of  the  27th,  damaged  the  blindages  very 
severely,  and  threw  down  the  traverses.  On  the  morning 
of  the  28th  the  crémaillère  ceased  to  be  tenable,  but  the 
work  A had  not  been  seriously  injured.  The  howitzer 
placed  at  D had  been  brought  back  behind  the  great 
traverse  F surmounted  with  a banquette. 

About  nine  o’clock  the  enemy  resumed  possession  of  the 
battery  No.  1,  installed  four  field-pieces  there  in  spite  of 
the  fire  of  the  bastions  I.  and  II,  and  threw  an  assaulting 
column  against  the  damaged  works  D,  C,  B.  This  was 
what  the  colonel  anticipated.  The  column  encountered 
the  fire  of  the  three  guns  left  in  the  redans  A,  the  howitzer, 
and  a front  of  fusiliers  posted  on  the  great  traverse  F. 
Bending  to  the  right  and  defiling  below  the  crest  of  the 
plateau,  this  column  was  able  to  seize  the  work  B,  C,  D, 
without  excessive  loss  ; and,  sheltered  behind  the  ruins  of 
the  earthworks,  it  was  able  to  keep  its  ground  there  while 
the  field-pieces  of  the  battery  No.  I cleared  off  the  de- 
fenders of  the  great  traverse  F.  The  colonel,  however,  had 
brought  in  again  the  guns  left  in  work  A,  and  gave  orders 
to  his  men  to  fall  back.  But  at  this  juncture,  from  the 
demi-lune  No.  I,  the  bastions  I.  and  II.  and  the  curtain 
between  these  bastions,  twenty-two  guns  and  some  stone 
mortars  poured  a tremendously  heavy  fire  into  the  aban- 
doned work,  inflicting  very  serious  loss  on  the  besieger, 
who  was  endeavouring  to  hold  his  ground  there.  This 
cannonade  lasted  till  noon.  The  colonel,  supposing  the 
enemy  to  be  giving  way,  sallied  forth  at  the  head  of  eight 
hundred  men  and  fell  on  the  posts  which  the  Germans  had 
begun  to  fortify.  He  had  iiis  attack  sustained  by  the  two 
howitzers.  The  work  was  retaken,  but  not  without  the 
loss  of  about  a hundred  men.  The  great  point  was  to 
keep  it.  About  two  o’clock  two  field-pieces  conveyed 
behind  the  ruined  epaulements  of  batteries  2 and  3,  and 


246 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


the  four  of  battery  No.  1,  once  more  overwhelmed  the 
salient  with  small  bombs,  balls,  and  grape.  The  bastions 
I.,  II.,  and  III.  replied  immediately,  and  dismounted  some 
of  the  enemy’s  pieces,  which  were  ill-protected  by  the 
battered-down  epaulements.  The  colonel  made  his  men 
lie  down  behind  the  traverses  C,  B,  F,  and  awaited  a 
second  assault  ; which  was  in  fact  attempted  about  four 
o’clock,  as  the  enemy  believed  the  outwork  was  once  more 
abandoned.  The  assaulting  columns  passed  the  first 
epaulement  ; but  as  soon  as  they  found  themselves  in  the 
last  redan,  D,  they  were  received  by  a discharge  of  muskets 
almost  at  arm’s  length,  from  behind  the  traverse  C (Fig. 
75),  followed  by  a bayonet  charge  ; this  time  two  hundred 
Germans  remained  on  the  field,  and  the  remains  of  the 
assaulting  column  fell  back  in  disorder  to  the  batteries, 
which  recommenced  firing  and  went  on  till  nightfall. 

The  besieged  remained  masters  of  the  place,  but  under 
the  converging  fire  of  the  enemy  they  could  not  maintain 
this  wedge-shaped  and  badly  flanked  position.  There  was 
no  advantage  in  keeping  it,  sufficient  to  compensate  for 
the  loss  they  would  suffer  in  resisting  fresh  attacks.  How- 
ever, the  colonel  was  unwilling  to  abandon  the  redans 
without  cost  to  the  enemy.  The  evening  was  employed  in 
charging  three  powder-mines  under  the  salients  A and  B, 
and  raising  earthworks  to  protect  themselves  as  well  as 
they  could.  All  this  night  of  the  28th  of  February  the 
bombs  fell  thick  on  the  outwork  : the  men  were  still 
tolerably  protected  on  the  débris  of  the  blindages.  On  the 
morning  of  the  1st  of  March  the  German  artillery  re- 
commenced firing  on  the  redans  more  briskly  than  the  day 
before,  from  the  three  batteries  behind  and  from  battery 
No.  6. 

The  colonel  withdrew  his  men  into  the  town,  and  left 
only  one  platoon,  well  sheltered,  with  orders  to  fire  the 


THE  SE  VENTH  SIEGE 


347 


Fig.  75.— Attack  on  the  Works  of  Counter-Approach. 


348 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


mines  only  when  the  enemy  thought  himself  covered  by 
the  epaulement  of  the  redan  A,  and  was  endeavouring  to 
take  up  his  position  there. 

The  1st  of  March  passed  by  without  a new  assault  being 
attempted  by  the  besiegers.  “ They  will  try  it  to-night,” 
thought  Colonel  Dubois.  He  went  back  about  seven 
o’clock  in  the  evening  into  the  salient,  to  make  certain 
that  the  train  was  well  laid  ; and  to  encourage  his  men, 
he  reinforced  them  with  twenty  fusiliers,  enjoining  upon 
them,  when  they  saw  their  enemy,  to  make  such  a pretence 
of  defending  themselves  as  should  be  sufficient  to  draw  him 
on  ; but  to  fall  back  promptly  after  setting  fire  to  the  train. 

The  bombardment  was  recommenced  about  eight 
o’clock,  but  at  ten  ceased  for  a time  ; and  the  colonel, 
who  had  ascended  the  cavalier  of  bastion  II.,  thought  the 
enemy  was  about  to  make  a fresh  attempt.  In  fact,  not- 
withstanding the  darkness  of  the  night,  he  saw  black 
masses  spreading  successively  through  the  works  D,  C,  and 
B1.  On  arriving  at  the  traverse  F,  they  were  received  by  a 
volley  of  musketry,  to  which  they  responded  by  a well- 
sustained  fire.  A mass  of  the  enemy  might  be  seen 
moving  along  the  traverse  F,  and  halting  outside  the 
redans  A,  At  this  moment  three  successive  explosions 
were  heard  which  made  the  ground  tremble,  succeeded  by 
loud  cries.  1 he  order  was  given  : from  the  demi-lune  No. 
I.  and  bastions  I.  and  II.,  all  the  pieces  fired  together  on 
the  outwork  for  half  an  hour  ; after  which  two  hundred 
men  of  the  garrison  sallied  forth  and  rushed  on  the  enemy. 
The  outwork  contained  only  dead  and  wounded.  Captain 
Allaud  then  went  out  in  his  turn  with  two  hundred  volun- 
teer workmen,  to  fill  up  the  trenches  and  destroy  obstacles 
as  far  as  possible.  About  midnight  the  bombs  fell  once 
more  on  the  corner  of  the  defence,  and  orders  were  given 
1 See  Fig.  74. 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE . 


349 


to  retire  within  the  fortress,  so  as  to  avoid  unnecessary 
los* 

The  siege  had  lasted  twelve  days,  and  the  second 
parallel,  which  ought  to  have  been  terminated  on  the 
sixth  day,  was  not  finished.  The  garrison  reckoned  about 
a hundred  and  fifty  men  killed  and  wounded  ; but  they 
had  inflicted  more  serious  losses  on  the  besiegers. 

General  Werther  found  the  affair  a very  tedious  one,  and 
was  much  annoyed.  Some  royalists,  who  had  mansions  in 
the  faubourg  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  Abonne,  were 
on  very  friendly  terms  with  the  troops  of  the  coalition,  and 
manifested  their  impatience  and  anger  against  “ this  hand- 
ful of  brigands  ” who  were  holding  the  upper  town  and 
prolonging  a useless  struggle.  The  German  general  was 
very  anxious  to  come  to  terms  with  the  garrison  : four 
hundred  of  his  men  were  already  hors  de  combat , and  he 
thought  this  a great  expenditure  in  taking  this  “ nest,” 
which  was  supposed  to  be  without  a garrison  or  mu- 
nitions. The  news  he  had  lately  received  from  the 
north  was  more  encouraging,  but  he  was  urged  to  finish 
the  business. 

One  of  the  most  zealous  of  the  royalists,  who  were  con- 
stantly in  the  German  camp,  proposed  therefore  to  pay  a 
visit  to  the  governor,  to  inform  him  that  Napoleon’s  armies 
were  retreating  at  every  point,  that  the  capture  of  Paris 
was  imminent,  that  the  Boubrons  would  soon  return  amid 
the  acclamations  of  the  whole  of  France,  and  to  urge  the 
uselessness  of  a longer  defence. 

General  Werther  readily  acceded  to  the  proposal,  and  on 
the  2nd  of  March,  Baron  de  X***  presented  himself 
at  the  outpost  with  a German  envoy.  The  colonel  re- 
ceived the  German  officer  and  the  baron  in  a room  in  one 
of  the  ruined  barracks.  The  German  envoy  first  asked  for 
an  exchange  of  prisoners.  This  was  readily  granted  by 


250  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

the  colonel.  Then  the  Baron  de  X * * * began  in  his  turn 
to  explain  the  object  of  his  visit. 

Scarcely  had  he  begun  when  the  colonel  stopped  him  : 
“ I do  not  know,  and  do  not  desire  to  know,  sir,  whether 
you  come  here  to  speak  for  yourself  alone  or  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  a certain  number  of  your  countrymen  ; but  I 
will  answer  you  briefly  and  clearly.  I am  here  on  the 
authority  of  superior  orders  to  defend  the  place  against 
the  enemies  of  the  country.  The  political  inducements 
which  you  urge  have  not  the  slightest  weight  with  me. 
I utterly  ignore  them.  I shall  not  surrender  the  place 
unless  compelled  by  force  or  ordered  to  do  so  by  the 
Emperor’s  Government.  Permit  me  to  add,  sir,  that  the 
part  you  are  performing  to-day  is  not  an  honourable  one. 
What  do  you  think  of  it,  Monsieur  le  capitaine  ? ” added 
he,  turning  to  the  German  officer.  The  latter  merely 
bowed  slightly.  “ The  prisoners  shall  be  exchanged  this 
very  day,  if  you  desire  it,  man  for  man,”  said  the  colonel, 
rising.  “ As  to  you,  sir,  if  you  had  not  come  here  protected 
by  a flag  of  truce,  I should  have  you  tried,  and  probably 
shot  before  the  garrison,  ere  sunset.”  And  dismissing  his 
two  visitors,  the  governor  enjoined  on  the  officer  commis- 
sioned to  accompany  them  back  to  the  outposts  not  to 
allow  them  to  have  any  communication  with  anyone. 

The  besieger  from  this  day  forwards  was  but  slow  in 
carrying  on  his  approach  works  ; he  contented  himself  with 
terminating  the  second  parallel  and  setting  up  three  bat- 
teries of  six  pieces  each,  which  opened  fire  on  the  6th  of 
March  upon  the  faces  right  and  left  of  bastions  II.  and  III., 
and  on  the  left  face  of  demi-lune  No.  2,  with  the  evident 
intention  of  making  a breach  at  four  hundred  yards’  dis- 
tance. Three  mortar  batteries  covered  the  works  with 
bombs.  The  Germans  were  evidently  intending  to  keep 
the  garrison  occupied,  and  put  it  out  of  heart  ; waiting 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


35 


the  chance  of  political  events  to  put  the  place  in  their 
hands.  Of  the  four  thousand  men  under  General  Werther’s 
command,  and  who  had  been  reduced  to  three  thousand 
four  hundred  by  the  losses  sustained,  it  was  necessary  to 
send  one  thousand  to  Troyes  ; only  two  thousand  five 
hundred  men  therefore  remained  before  La  Roche-Pont. 
Besides,  the  general  had  received  orders  to  run  no  risks, 
but  limit  himself  to  a surveillance  of  the  passages  from 
the  Saône  to  the  Marne,  and  blockading  the  garrison  of 
La  Roche-Pont,  keeping  it  sufficiently  employed  to  pre- 
vent its  taking  the  offensive,  but  without  losing  men  in  the 
capture  of  so  insignificant  a place.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  royalists  of  the  lower  town  were  constantly  predicting 
the  end  of  hostilities  and  the  return  of  the  Bourbons. 

On  the.  1 2th  of  March  news  was  received  at  head- 
quarters that  Napoleon  had  received  a check  before  Laon, 
that  Marmont’s  force  had  been  routed,  and  that  the  allied 
troops  were  in  full  march  on  Paris.  The  royalists  thought 
that  the  moment  had  come  for  another  application  to 
General  Werther  to  induce  him  to  complete  the  capture. 
They  were  anxious  to  be  the  first  in  Burgundy  to  declare 
for  the  Bourbons,  and  the  cautious  deliberation  of  the 
general  of  the  allied  troops  exasperated  them.  He,  too, 
would  have  liked  to  get  possession  of  the  place  before 
the  anticipated  cessation  of  hostilities.  He  therefore  sent 
another  envoy  to  Colonel  Dubois,  to  give  him  the  latest 
news  of  the  armies  of  the  coalition,  to  inform  him  that  the 
Allies  were  just  about  to  enter  Paris,  which  was  now  without 
defence,  and  to  summon  him  to  surrender  in  order  to  avoid 
a useless  effusion  of  blood  ; and  to  say  that  if  he  refused 
to  capitulate  he  must  expect  rigorous  measures,  which  he, 
General  Werther,  would  rather  avoid,  and  of  which  the 
governor  alone  would  have  to  bear  the  responsibility. 
Colonel  Dubois’  answer  was  exactly  the  same  as  before. 


352 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


He  said  he  could  not  capitulate,  as  his  defences  remained 
entire. 

During  the  night  of  the  12th  of  March,  two  mortar 
batteries  were  planted  on  the  hill  slopes  of  the  right  bank, 
and  opened  fire  in  the  evening  on  the  faubourg  of  the  left 
bank.  The  flèche  which  served  as  a tête  du  pont  was 
broken  down  by  the  shells.  The  German  general  thought 
he  should  thus  induce  the  townspeople  to  insist  on  the 
governor’s  promptly  capitulating.  Some  of  the  houses  in 
this  faubourg  caught  fire,  and  the  inhabitants  took  refuge 
in  the  upper  town.  The  garrison  could  not  respond  to  the 
fire  of  the  mortar  batteries,  as  they  had  no  more  guns  of 
large  calibre.  The  six  twenty-four  pounders  were  em- 
ployed to  oppose  the  enemy’s  batteries  on  the  north,  and 
they  could  not  disarm  the  bastions  on  this  side.  To  com- 
plete their  distress  typhus  broke  out  among  the  wounded 
in  the  cité. 

Provisions,  too,  were  becoming  scarce,  and  the  garrison 
was  placed  on  half  rations. 

On  the  plateau  the  cannonade  on  both  sides  was  con- 
tinuing, and  the  escarpments  of  the  two  bastions  II.  and 
ill.  were  much  damaged.  As  the  enemy  found  nothing 
more  to  destroy  or  burn  in  the  lower  town  on  the  right 
bank,  he  began  his  approaches  on  the  15th  of  March,  and 
established  a demi-parallel  with  two  fresh  batteries  during 
the  night  (of  the  15th  and  following  day),  of  four  guns  each. 
This  was,  however,  not  accomplished  without  difficulty,  for 
these  batteries  were  only  three  hundred  yards  from  the 
faces  of  bastions  II.  and  III.,  whose  cavaliers  still  preserved 
three  guns  of  large  calibre.  But  on  the  1 8th  and  19th  of 
March  twenty-six  guns  were  brought  to  bear  against  the 
works,  and  succeeded  in  throwing  down  the  parapets  and 
dismounting  the  guns  of  the  besieged. 

During  the  night  of  the  19th  of  March,  the  colonel 


THE  SEVENTH  SIEGE. 


353 


endeavoured  to  mount  the  cannon  that  still  remained  to 
him  ; but  these  pieces  of  small  calibre  could  effect  nothing 
against  the  enemy’s  works.  However,  the  breaches  made 
in  the  salients  of  demi-lune  No.  2 and  of  bastion  II,  were 
not  practicable  ; and  the  culonel,  wishing  to  reserve  the 
little  artillery  he  had  left,  for  the  moment  of  assault,  re- 
trenched the  gorge  of  bastion  II,  withdrew  its  cannon  within 
the  fortification  and  waited  the  issue.  Not  to  keep  his 
soldiers  idle  he  occupied  them  at  night  in  trifling  sorties 
which  fatigued  the  besieger.  He  kept  the  covered  ways  in 
good  repair  as  far  as  the  enemy’s  fire  allowed,  and  pre- 
pared camouflets  and  chicanes  for  the  moment  when  the 
assailant  should  try  to  ascend  the  counterscarp 

On  the  25th  of  March  the  third  parallel  was  finished. 
The  place  was  thenceforth  only  defended  by  musketry,  and 
a few  stone  mortars,  and  grenades,  which  small  sallying 
parties  threw  into  the  trenches  at  night. 

The  approaches  to  crown  the  covered  way  and  set  up 
breach  batteries  were  advancing  but  slowly,  thanks  to  the 
activity  of  the  garrison,  whose  courage  seemed  redoubled 
in  seeing  the  enemy  approaching  and  which  defended  its 
glacis  foot  by  foot. 

On  the  1st  of  April  came  the  news  of  the  capitulation  of 
Paris,  the  abdication  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  order  to 
suspend  hostilities.  The  garrison  was  allowed  to  retire  to 
Nevers,  through  Auxonne,  Beaune,  Autun  and  Château- 
Chinon. 

On  the  5th  of  April  Colonel  Dubois  quitted  La  Roche- 
Pont  at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  soldiers  of  all  arms,  who 
were  all  the  able-bodied  men  left  him. 


A A 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


CONCLUSION. 


NOTWITHSTANDING  its  bastioned  enclosure  and  great  out- 
work which  was  still  existing  in  1870,  exactly  as  Vauban 
had  planned  it,  the  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  could  not  have 
held  out  forty-eight  hours  before  the  German  artillery.  A 
few  batteries  to  the  north,  on  the  plateau,  and  on  the  west 
and  east  on  the  sides  of  the  hills  placed  at  nearly  two  miles 
distant  would  have  overwhelmed  the  place  with  projectiles 
without  a possibility  of  replying  ; for  in  September  1870  the 
small  arsenal  of  La  Roche-Pont  contained  only  six  cast  iron 
guns,  and  four  bronze  pieces  with  smooth  bore,  two  thousand 
pounds  of  powder  and  two  or  three  hundred  solid  balls. 

It  was  not  attacked,  though  bodies  of  the  enemy  showed 
themselves  not  far  from  its  walls. 

Its  garrison  consisted  then  of  a guard  of  the  engineers 
and  a brigade  of  gendarmes. 

The  inhabitants  of  La  Roche-Pont  are,  however,  patriotic, 
and  mention  with  pride  the  numerous  sieges  they  have 
experienced. 

They  had  organized  their  national  guard  as  early  as 
August,  including  an  artillery  corps.  It  is  true  they  had 
not  been  able  to  supply  these  National  Guards  with  more 
than  a hundred  flint  guns  which  were  lying  in  the  citadel, 
and  about  thirty  muzzle-loading  guns.  These  brave  people 
were  not  less  determined  to  defend  themselves,  and  began 


CONCLUSION. 


355 

to  cast  bullets  and  make  cartridges.  They  had  not  the 
pain  of  seeing  the  Germans  there. 

In  1871,  a French  captain  of  engineers,  having  been  in 
General  Bourbaki’s  army,  had  entered  Switzerland  with  the 
débris  of  the  corps. 

Captain  Jean  had  received  a bullet  in  his  breast,  not  far 
from  the  frontier,  and  had  been  taken  up  by  some  peasants 
in  the  environs  of  Pontarlier,  and  saved  by  some  Swiss 
custom  house  officers  who  had  conveyed  him  to  Lausanne, 
where  he  had  received  the  most  careful  attention.  We 
might  give  a touching  account  of  that  sad  period  of  our 
disasters  ; and  indeed  we  must  write  it  if  it  is  to  be  on 
record  at  all,  for  the  Swiss  are  not  the  people  to  make  a 
parade  of  the  zealous  kindness  they  displayed  on  this  occa- 
sion in  saving  our  harassed,  famished,  and  frozen  soldiers. 
Peasants  and  townspeople  set  out  amid  the  snows  of  the 
Jura,  to  guide  and  to  give  shelter  to  our  disbanded  and 
wandering  regiments.  Some  sacrificed  their  lives  in  this 
service  of  humanity,  and  emulated  each  other  in  offering 
an  asylum  and  giving  assistance  to  our  exhausted  soldiers 
The  behaviour  of  these  excellent  people  has  excited  uni- 
versal admiration. 

Captain  Jean  was  living  at  Lausanne  when  Monsieur 

N an  officer  on  half  pay  happened  to  be  there.  His 

medical  attendants  thought  that  the  climate  would  contri- 
bute to  the  cure  of  the  wounded  man,  who  had  obtained 
a congé  in  the  hope  of  regaining  health  under  the  clement 
skies  of  this  part  of  the  lake  of  Geneva.  His  sister  had 
come  to  join  him  and  was  doing  all  for  his  cure  that  the 
tenderest  affection  could  suggest.  His  strength  was  how- 
ever not  returning  and  alarming  symptoms  continued. 

Captain  Jean  was  from  La  Roche-Pont  ; he  was  on  intimate 

terms  with  Monsieur  N and  the  conversation  often 

turned  on  the  recent  war  and  the  resources  which  through 


A A 2 


356 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


ignorance  or  inability  had  not  been  employed  ; and  they 
frequently  spoke  of  this  beautiful  province  of  Burgundy, 
placed  on  the  flank  of  the  invasion,  and  which  was  so  well 
adapted  to  mask  and  protect  an  offensive  movement,  if 
they  had  had  an  army  of  reserve  with  its  right  supported 
by  Besançon  and  its  left  by  Dijon,  and  abundantly  supplied 
from  the  basins  of  the  Rhone  and  the  Saône. 

The  Captain  used  to  employ  his  leisure  in  studying  the 
defence  of  his  dear  little  town  whose  history  he  knew  so 
well  and  which  he  deemed  a strategic  position  of  some 
importance. 

Monsieur  N.  . . . spent  nearly  a month  in  the  company 
of  this  amiable  and  well-informed  man,  whose  feelings  were 
deeply  affected  by  our  disasters  ; but  whose  active  mind 
sought  in  these  misfortunes  themselves  a means  of  instruc- 
tion, and  an  opportunity  for  developing  the  resources  and 
advantages  peculiar  to  France.  This  was  an  inexhaustible 
subject  of  conversation  for  the  two  friends,  and  they  would 
continue  talking  till  the  sister  interposed  her  authority  as 
nurse  to  enjoin  silence  and  rest. 

In  December  1871,  Monsieur  N.  . . . received  the  follow*- 
ing  letter  at  Paris,  accompanied  by  a bundle  of  papers. 


“ Lausanne,  December  10 th,  1871. 

“ Sir, 

“ My  dearly  loved  brother  died  in  my  arms  the  day 
before  yesterday,  his  death  being  the  result  of  his  wound 
and  also  perhaps  of  grief  for  our  late  disasters,— deeply 
affected  as  he  was  by  the  indelible  recollection  of  the 
sufferings  he  had  witnessed. 

“He  retained  his  consciousness  to  the  last,  and  I am  ful- 
filling one  of  his  most  urgent  requests  in  sending  you  these 
papers.  It  is  the  only  souvenir  he  can  bequeath  to  you — 


CONCLUSION. 


357 


as  he  said  to  me  the  day  before  his  death — of  the  hours 
you  so  kindly  devoted  to  a poor  invalid. 

“ My  brother  often  spoke  to  me  of  you  ; you  were  able  to 
appreciate  his  excellencies  and  noble  character,  and  will 
receive  his  bequest,  I doubt  not,  as  a mark  of  the  profound 
esteem  lie  had  for  you. 

“ As  for  myself  I cannot  quit  a neighbourhood  where  I 
have  lived  with  my  brother,  and  where  we  have  met  with 
so  much  sympathy.” 


Extracts  from  Captain  Jean's  papers. 

i 

Attack  implies  a shock  or  onset  ; defence  is  a resist- 
ance to  this  onset.  Whether  a piece  of  ordnance  dis- 
charges a ball  against  a plate  of  iron,  or  a casing  of 
masonry,  or  an  earthwork  ; or  an  assaulting  column  climbs 
a breach,  the  problem  is  substantially  the  same  ; in  either 
case  we  have  to  oppose  to  the  impulsive  force  a resistance 
that  will  neutralise  its  effect. 

When  there  were  no  projectile  weapons,  or  their  range 
was  inconsiderable,  only  a normal  resistance  had  to  be 
opposed  to  the  shock — a man  to  a man — or  if  the  effect 
was  to  be  rendered  certain,  two  men  to  one.  But  when 
projectile  arms  acquired  a longer  range,  the  position  of 
the  attack  and  defence  became  a question  of  importance. 
Thus  were  evolved  for  combatants  in  open  ground  the 
elements  of  tactics,  and  for  fortification,  arrangements  of  a 
more  and  more  complicated  character. 

It  is  evident,  for  example,  that  when  it  came  to  a close 
engagement — a hand-to-hand  struggle  with  an  adversary  ; 
if  the  latter  found  himself  placed  behind  a circular  en- 
closure, the  obstacle  that  protected  him  would  give  him 
a considerable  advantage — an  advantage  that  could  only 
be  compensated  for  by  renewing  the  attack. 


358 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


To  make  this  very  simple  principle  intelligible  at  a 
glance,  suppose  (Fig.  76)  a circular  enclosure  containing 
forty  defenders  separated  from  each  other  about  a yard 


apart  ; a hand-to-hand  struggle  can  only  be  carried  on  with 
a number  equal  to  that  of  the  defenders — or  nearly  so — 
and  these  under  cover.  It  is  no  use  for  the  assailants 
to  assemble  as  at  A,  they  can  only  present  a front  equal 
to  that  of  the  defence,  and  if  this  is  energetic,  the  triangle 
a,  b , c , will  be  effective  only  at  c. 


Is 


But  let  us  suppose  the  attacking  body  to  possess  pro- 
jectile arms  (Fig.  77),  and  instead  of  encountering  the 


CONCLUSION. 


359 


circular  enclosure,  the  assailants  to  set  up  their  engines 
between  A and  B within  fair  range.  They  will  overwhelm 
the  segment  d}  c,  ey  of  the  circle  with  projectiles,  while  the 
defenders  will  be  able  to  oppose  only  an  inferior  number 
of  engines  to  the  convergent  fire. 

To  compensate  in  part  for  this  inferiority  the  defending 
party  adds  appendages  to  the  enclosure  (Fig.  78  A),  which 
allow  an  almost  equal  front  of  defence  to  be  opposed  to 


J 

J 

J 


Fig.  78 


the  attacking  front,  as  regards  the  number  of  projectile 
weapons,  and  very  superior  in  point  of  elevation  and  pro- 
tection. But  the  attacking  force  will  thus  naturally  arrange 
its  engines  as  seen  at  B.  Thus  the  projectiles  sent  from 
1 1 , b,  c,  df  ef  converge  upon  the  salient  C.  The  defence  adds 
the  new  appendages  D D,  and  if  the  engines  are  well  pro- 
tected, it  can  make  the  projectiles  £•,  //,  i,  converge  on  the 
engine  K and  crush  it,  secondly  the  projectiles  /,  g,  //,  on 
engine  m and  destroy  it,  and  so  on. 


360  ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 

Besides,  these  appendages  have  the  further  advantage  of 
giving  side  views  over  the  circumvallation  itself  and 
masking  its  foot. 

This  principle  regulates  and  will  always  regulate  attack 
and  defence  ; distances  alone  modify  its  applications. 

The  more  eccentric  the  defence  is,  the  more  distant  must 
be  the  attack,  and  the  wider  the  perimeter  it  must  occupy  ; 
but  it  should  be  observed,  that  the  more  widely  the  defence 
is  extended,  the  more  open  its  flanks  are  to  attack  ; these 
flanks  therefore  must  also  be  capable  of  being  defended, 
for  every  obstacle  that  offers  only  its  own  resisting  force, 
without  being  protected  by  the  action  of  a neighbouring 
obstacle,  is  soon  destroyed. 

Whether  fortifications  or  plans  of  battle  are  in  question, 
the  same  principle  comes  into  play.  “ Every  part  should 
defend  its  neighbour  and  be  defended  by  it.”  It  is  clear 
that  the  solution  of  the  problem  becomes  more  and  more 
difficult  in  proportion  to  the  enlargement  of  the  range  of 
projectile  weapons,  and  the  extent  of  fronts  of  fortification 
or  lines  of  battle. 

Vauban,  and  most  of  the  engineers  who  were  his  rivals 
and  successors,  had  resolved  the  problem  in  view  of  the 
range  of  the  artillery  of  the  period. 

Suppose  a hexagon  (Fig.  79),  fortified  according  to 
Vauban’s  first  method,  it  is  evident  that  all  the  parts  of 
the  circumference  of  one  thousand,  and  even  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  yards,  are  commanded  by  the  curtains,  the 
faces  of  the  bastions  and  the  demi-lunes.  If  the  fortress 
stands  in  a level  country,  the  enemy  cannot  occupy  any  point 
in  that  circumference  without  being  exposed  to  its  fire. 

To  raise  his  first  parallel  and  first  batteries,  he  would 
have  to  begin  his  works  at  the  limit  of  the  range  of  the 
rampart  guns  ; and,  as  we  saw  in  Fig.  70,  he  must  erect 
these  batteries  sufficiently  near  the  place  to  enable  their 


CONCLUSION. 


36i 

fire  to  tell  upon  the  defences — i.e.,  at  eight  or  nine  hun- 
dred yards.  At  this  distance  the  curtains  could  be  swept, 
the  faces  and  flanks  raked,  and  the  parapets  thrown  down. 
As  the  projectiles  reached  either  point  blank,  or  under  an 


angle  of  about  io°  when  the  ball  rebounded,  the  besieged 
could  protect  himself  against  it  for  a very  considerable 
time,  and  keep  his  own  artillery  intact. 

But  as  the  range  of  siege  pieces  in  the  present  day  ex- 
tends to  eight  or  nine  thousand  yards,  the  conditions  both 


362 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


for  the  besieged  and  the  besieger  are  very  different. 
Hence  (Fig.  80)  the  enemy  raises  his  batteries  on  two  or 
three  fronts  of  the  circumference,  taking  advantage  of  the 
rise  in  the  ground,  a wall,  or  a wood  to  protect  his  works, 
and  when  all  is  ready,  he  unmasks  these  batteries,  and 


covers  a segment  of  the  fortress  with  a quantity  of  explo 
sive  projectiles,  which,  reaching  it  at  an  angle  of  250  to  30° 
burst,  no  matter  where — dans  le  tas , to  use  a common  ex- 
pression— the  distance  not  allowing  an  aim  at  flanks  or 
faces  in  particular — the  besieger  being  in  fact  unable  to 


CONCLUSION. 


363 


distinguish  them.  Supposing  the  besieged  able  to  main- 
tain his  artillery  and  reply,  exposed  as  he  is  to  the  deluge 
of  iron  on  his  face  and  flanks,  he  has  to  aim  at  eccentric 
points  which  may  vary,  to  whose  position  he  has  no  clue 
but  the  smoke  of  the  guns,  and  at  an  enemy,  who,  taking 
advantage  of  an  indefinite  amount  of  space  to  make  his 
arrangements  and  shelter  his  men,  is  completely  free,  but 
to  maintain  his  artillery  and  preserve  his  men  and  muni- 
tions, the  besieged  has  only  a space  relatively  limited  to 
move  in  ; he  is  soon  encumbered  with  débris  of  all  kinds, 
every  movement  is  difficult  for  him,  and  he  has  not  even 
room  to  repair  damages.  He  tires  himself  out  to  no 
great  purpose.  If  the  attack  has  maintained  its  fire  at 
a long  range  for  several  days,  it  has  introduced  such  con- 
fusion into  a great  part  of  the  defences,  that  in  two  or  three 
nights  afterwards  the  first  parallel  may  be  commenced  at 
about  one  thousand  yards,  it  may  be  well  armed  and  pro- 
tected by  batteries  en  retraite  and  trench-shelters,  so  as  to 
discourage  sorties  and  allow  of  an  advance  to  crown  the 
covered  ways.  In  what  state  are  the  works  of  the  besieged 
by  this  time  ? The  flanks  of  the  bastions  are  as  much 
damaged  as  their  faces,  the  demi-lunes  are  untenable,  and 
the  ditches  partly  filled  up  ; disorder  and  confusion  pre- 
vail on  all  sides.  No  breach  is  practicable,  certainly  ; but 
all  the  works  are  seriously  injured  on  three  or  four  fronts, 
and  at  one  thousand  yards  distance,  a breach  may  be  made, 
and  that  a wide  one.  The  garrison  may  sustain  the  as- 
sault to  the  last,  and  sell  the  possession  of  the  débris  of  its 
work  dearly  ; but  in  this  case  the  final  result  is  not 
doubtful. 

In  proportion  to  the  length  of  the  trajectory,  therefore, 
the  defence  must  remove  its  defensive  arrangement  from 
th-  centre  of  the  place. 

If  each  front  of  Vauban’s  defence  was  about  four 


364 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


hundred  yards  in  length,  it  ought  to  be  from  thirteen  to 
fourteen  thousand  yards  now  (Fig.  81).  That  is  to  say, 
the  side  of  the  hexagon  which  was  four  hundred  yards — 
i.e.y  from  one  salient  of  a bastion  to  another — should  be 
fourteen  hundred  yards.  Let  A be  the  main  body  of 


|— 1 t » 1 J^i  1 ii  p 1 1 1 [/;i  1 1 1 - 

Fig.  81. 

the  fortress — on  a plain  suppose  ; forts  will  be  erected  at  B 
and  C,  the  zone  of  action  of  each  of  these  works  being 
eight  thousand  yards,  they  will  protect  each  other  and 
cross  their  fires  without  the  possibility  of  their  projectiles 
falling  into  the  fortress  if  any  of  them  should  be  in  the 
power  of  the  enemy. 


CONCLUSION . 


365 


Fig.  82  presents  the  block  plan  of  each  of  those  forts  B 
and  C,  to  whose  interior  arrangements  we  shall  return.  But 
by  this  excessive  lengthening  of  the  capitals , the  forts  B 
(Fig.  81),  may  be  swept  along  the  whole  extent  of  the  arc 
of  a circle  a b (more  than  the  third  of  the  circumference)  ; 
they  occupy  the  points  of  a triangle,  and  if  one  of  them 
were  taken  the  enemy  would  be  able  to  batter  two  of  the 
forts  C.  It  is  therefore  necessary,  with  an  extended  radius. 


Fig.  82. 


to  multiply  the  defences,  and  to  enable  them  to  protect 
each  other  in  a more  effective  manner.  This  is  the  method 
indicated  in  Fig.  83. 

Here  we  have  a dodecagon.  The  forts  of  the  outer  zone 
are  seven  thousand  yards  apart,  and  the  works,  A,  flank 
each  other  ; a second  zone  of  forts  B commands  the  latter, 
if  required,  and  the  zone  of  action  of  these  second  works 
extends  beyond  the  outer  line  of  forts.  Railways  are  re- 
quired to  connect  the  forts  of  each  zone,  and  to  put  them 
in  communication  with  the  body  of  the  place. 


366 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


This  extension  of  the  fields  of  defence  may,  according 
to  the  nature  of  the  ground,  be  divided  into  two  zones  with 
a central  nucleus. 


Fig83. 


The  interior  zone  would  consist  of  permanent  works, 
forming  an  enceinte  de  préservation  ; a line  of  forts  at  in- 
tervals sufficiently  strengthened,  in  case  of  war,  by  field 
works. 

The  exterior  zone  would  be  fixed  by  occupying  strategic 


CONCLUSION. 


367 


points  well  chosen  and  considered  beforehand,  forming 
small  camps  protected  by  temporary  works,  and  affording 
security  to  a numerous  army,  whose  manoeuvres  the  enemy 
could  not  espy. 

The  expenditure  entailed  by  such  a system  of  defence  is 
unquestionably  enormous.  But  as  respects  this  question 
there  is  to  all  appearance  an  unwillingness  to  realize 
exactly  the  new  state  of  things  produced  by  artillery  of 
long  range. 

The  expenditure  involved  in  the  successive  systems  of 
defence  from  ancient  times  downwards  has  been  a con- 
tinually increasing  one.  The  wall  built  round  Paris  by 
Philippe-Augustus,  would  not  cost,  the  running  yard,  as 
much  as  that  of  Charles  V.  ; the  latter,  again,  must  have 
been  less  expensive  than  the  bastioned  fronts  of 
Louis  XIII.,  and  these  again  would  be  far  from  necessi- 
tating the  outlay  ( i.e . estimated  by  the  running  yard,  and 
reckoning  detached  forts)  occasioned  by  the  fortification  of 
Paris  under  Louis  Philippe.  Similarly  the  mounting  of 
four  or  five  trebuchets,  and  the  movable  towers  required 
for  attacking  a fortified  place  before  fire  artillery  was 
employed,  cost  less  than  the  manufacture  of  the  artillery 
used  at  the  siege  of  Turin  in  1535.  The  latter  again 
would  be  far  less  costly  than  the  French  and  English 
artillery  at  the  siege  of  Sebastopol.  Whereas  at  the  time 
when  smooth-bore  guns  were  used  a place  might  be  at- 
tacked with  about  sixty  pieces,  five  times  the  quantity  are 
needed  now  ; since  it  is  necessary  to  operate  over  a much 
more  extensive  area. 

War  is  therefore  a game  which  tends  to  become  more 
and  more  costly,  and  especially  siege  warfare.  Are  we 
then  to  conclude  that  nations  will  become  disgusted 
with  warfare  on  account  of  the  frightful  expense  it  in- 
volves ? This  is  not  probable. 


368 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


At  the  present  day,  as  in  times  past,  that  which,  costs 
most  is  defeat.  With  forty  millions  well  laid  out  in 
France,  before  the  war  of  1870,  and  from  forty  to  eighty 
millions  spent  in  the  war  itself,  we  probably  should  not 
have  had  to  pay  the  four  hundred  millions  which  this  war 
cost  us,  and  we  should  not  have  lost  two  provinces  which 
are  certainly  worth  still  more  than  that  sum. 

Parsimony  in  military  preparations,  in  times  of  serious 
change,  such  as  ours,  is  ruinous. 

The  principles  to  be  followed  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows  : Commit  yourself  to  no  superfluous  outlay,  but 
spend  all  that  is  necessary.  Besides,  is  it  after  all  certain 
that  a good  system  of  territorial  defence  is  so  costly  as 
some  allege  ? 

Is  it  a question  of  building  something  like  a Chinese 
Wall  on  our  eastern  frontier  ? Is  it  likely  that  if  a few 
strong  positions  rendered  impregnable  without  unnecessary 
works  enabled  us  to  keep  an  army  of  observation  two 
hundred  thousand  strong,  secure  from  any  surprise  in  the 
elevated  valleys  bounded  by  the  ranges  of  hills  which 
stretch  from  the  Jura  along  Belfort,  Remiremont,  Epinal, 
Langres  and  Dijon,  and  border  the  right  bank  of  the  Saône 
as  far  as  Lyons,  the  Germans  would  be  in  a hurry  to  make 
their  way  a second  time  to  Paris  ? If  they  experienced 
the  slightest  check  on  such  a route,  if  they  were  obliged 
even  to  halt,  what  would  become  of  them  ? 

The  essential  consideration  therefore  is  a good  choice  of 
positions  ; shelter  from  the  approach  of  an  invasion  on  the 
flanks,  and  the  avoidance  of  enormous  expenditure  in  the 
attempt  to  defend  all  points.  Let  us  suppose  that  Metz 
had  been  rendered  impregnable,  or  at  least  so  provided 
with  defences  that  it  could  have  held  out  for  six  months  ; 
and  certainly  the  thing  was  possible.  In  the  first  place  we 
should  not  have  lost  that  town,  and  secondly  the  war,  not- 


CONCLUSION. 


369 


withstanding  our  deficiencies  in  soldiers  and  in  artillery, 
might  have  taken  quite  another  turn.  Greater  sacrifices 
on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  more  prudence,  and  a still 
greater  loss  of  men,  would  have  been  required  to  constrain 
us  to  a peace  accepted  before  the  cannon’s  mouth. 

War  is  made  now  a-days  with  armies  a million  strong  ; 
this  is  all  very  well  while  the  invading  forGe  meets  no  very 
serious  obstacle,  either  in  front  of  it  or  on  its  flanks  ; when 
the  combinations  which  such  a vast  display  of  forces  neces- 
sitates are  not  disturbed  at  any  point,  and  when  the 
strategic  operations  upon  the  ground  succeed  each  other 
with  perfect  precision,  as  one  might  trace  them  on  a map 
in  our  studies.  But  these  enormous  agglomerations  of 
men  could  give  rise  in  a single  day  to  appalling  perils, 
after  a grave  check  on  one  of  their  flanks.  Such  masses 
can  be  advanced,  fed,  and  manoeuvred  only  by  means  of  a 
very  complicated,  and  therefore  delicate  and  easily  de- 
ranged machinery.  The  Germans  asserted  that  by  the 
possession  of  Alsace  and  a part  of  Lorraine  we  had  a 
hold  upon  Germany.  Now  their  country  is  almost  dove- 
tailed into  France.  The  future  will  show  whether  that  will 
greatly  benefit  them. 

In  1870  and  1871  we  saw  what  could  be  accomplished 
by  the  little  fortress  of  Belfort  ; which  was  perhaps  the  only 
one  among  our  strong  places  possessing  guns  of  long  range, 
and  a garrison  well  commanded  and  determined  to  defend 
itself. 

It  persisted  in  maintaining  the  offensive  over  a circle  of 
from  twelve  to  sixteen  miles,  thanks  to  a few  rifled  cannon 
with  which  the  ramparts  were  furnished,  and  which  pro- 
tected sorties  through  a radius  of  three  to  four  miles. 
For  a month  it  hindered  the  planting  of  siege  batteries; 
and,  in  spite  of  a bombardment  of  seventy-three  days, 
the  town  had  only  four  of  its  houses  burned.  This  defence 


B B 


37o 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


is  instructive,  and  shows  that  the  old  defensive  system  has 
had  its  day. 

During  the  siege  the  batteries  of  the  besieged  hardly 
suffered  at  all,  and  had  recourse  to  indirect  firing — that  is, 
they  fired  over  the  barracks  from  the  gorge  of  the  castle 
without  seeing  the  mark,  but  regulating  by  observation. 
This  indirect  firing,  which  took  no  account  of  the  plan  of 
the  crests  of  the  defence,  and  which  thus  enabled  a power- 
ful fire  to  be  directed  to  any  point,  without  regarding  the 
faces,  produced  a great  effect  on  the  batteries  of  the 
enemy,  who,  on  his  side,  could  not  see  these  guns,  and 
did  not  know  how  to  regulate  his  fire. 

The  question,  therefore,  remains  undecided  ; and,  though 
a long  range  enables  the  attack  to  envelope  each  work 
more  decidedly  with  its  fires,  each  battery  of  the  besieger 
may  be  subjected  to  the  fire  of  a greater  number  of  guns 
by  the  defence.  At  Paris,  the  forts  which  are  by  no  means 
planned  in  view  of  the  present  long  range,  enabled  a weak 
and  inexperienced  garrison,  whose  morale  was  none  of  the 
firmest,  to  execute  sorties  with  success  to  a distance  of  two 
miles  and  a half.1 

With  good  troops,  then,  we  might  have  raised  in  one 
night,  works  which  would  have  enabled  us  to  resume  the 
offensive,  and  to  push  further  on,  to  break  the  line  of  con- 
travallation,  and  seriously  to  embarrass  the  besieger.  It  is 
not  therefore  proved  that  long  ranges  give  a greater 
advantage  to  the  attack  than  to  the  defence,  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  long  range  of  rifled  cannon  may  be 
affirmed  to  be  favourable  to  the  defence  ; but  it  would 
be  so  only  on  the  condition  of  the  works  being  planned 
in  view  of  the  new  action  of  artillery,  and  not  according  to 
old  traditions,  however  glorious.  The  destructive  power 

1 The  battle  of  Champigny  had  extended  our  lines  to  four  thousand  six 
hundred  and  twenty  yards  from  the  Fort  de  la  Faisanderie. 


CONCLUSION. 


371 


of  explosive  projectiles  puts  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the 
besieger’s  approaches  ; and,  in  fact,  during  the  late  war  we 
never  saw  employed  that  old  mode  of  approach  with  a 
view  to  attacking  by  breacli  and  crossing  the  ditch. 

The  Germans  were  not  so  stupid  as  to  employ  these 
classical  methods.  They  took  up  their  position  on  favour- 
able and  often  commanding  points,  at  three  thousand  eight 
hundred  to  four  thousand  two  hundred  yards  around  our 
fortresses,  which  adhered  to  the  old  defensive  system 
adapted  to  ranges  of  two  thousand  two  hundred  yards 
at  most  ; and  covered  with  shells  our  works  and  the 
towns  they  were  supposed  to  protect,  without  risk  to  a 
single  sapper.  We  thought  that  odious  and  unreason- 
able ; like  those  nobles  of  the  fifteenth  century,  who 
thought  it  an  abominable  shame  that  their  feudal  nests 
should  be  breached  with  bombards,  and  declared  that 
the  trade  of  war  was  thereby  damaged.  But  suppose  we 
should  some  day  condescend  to  practical  consideration, 
when  these  old  flanked  fronts  fall  into  disesteem,  and  the 
new  generation  of  military  engineers  determine  to  admit 
that  we  have  to  do  with  artillery  of  long  range,  and  to 
take  advantage  of  the  fact,  a certain  degree  of  superiority 
might  be  doubtless  given  to  defence  over  attack. 

How  ought  these  isolated  forts,  which  are  destined  to 
replace  the  salients  of  our  old  fortresses,  to  be  planned  ? 
They  should  afford  ample  space  for  a large  number  of 
fires — even  indirect  fires — in  case  of  need  ; consequently 
extended  faces  and  short  flankings — that  is,  as  shallow 
as  possible,  and  perfectly  open  gorges.  They  should 
efficiently  protect  the  w'orks  of  counter-approach,  and 
consider  defence  at  close  quarters  as  a question  of  only 
secondary  importance  ; for  very  seldom  wrould  there  be 
occasion  for  it,  if  indeed  the  case  ever  presented  itself, 
which  is  doubtful. 


B B 2 


372 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


Referring  to  the  general  defensive  system  shown  in 
Fig.  83,  and  required  the  plan  of  one  of  the  forts,  A,  the 
result  will  be  Fig.  84,  giving  the  work  at  the  lower  level  at 


*?-u) j 1 1 îivu  A3 


Fig.  84. 


C,  and  at  the  level  of  the  batteries  at  n.  The  counter- 
scarp should  be  cased  up  to  at  least  sixteen  or  seventeen 
feet  above  the  bottom  of  the  ditch. 

The  escarp  should  be  made  with  tipped  earth.  The 
masonry  works  should  all  be  covered  and  secured  from 


CONCLUSION. 


373 


being  enfiladed  ; they  form  casemates  inside  E.  Beneath 
the  terracings,  powder  magazines,  F,  and  the  passages 
communicating  with  the  oiseaux  or  lower  oriltons , G,  pro- 
tected by  the  counterscarp  and  the  covered  way,  and  which 
are  used  only  if  the  enemy  attempts  to  pass  the  ditch. 
The  faces  and  flanks  on  the  outside  are  planned  on  angles 
sufficiently  obtuse  to  cross  their  fires.  The  two  faces  in 
the  plan  (Fig.  84)  may  be  armed  with  eight  guns  and  the 
flanks  with  six  guns.  This  work  is  separated  from  that  of 
the  gorge  by  a traverse  that  efficiently  protects  this  gorge, 
which  possesses  its  flanks,  armed  with  four  guns  and  its 
orillons. 

From  the  work  of  the  gorge  is  a communication  into  the 
fort  by  a covered  caponnière,  forming  traverse  in  the 
direction  of  the  capital  or  centre  line.  The  gorge  is  de- 
fended by  a curtain  for  the  riflemen,  and,  at  need,  for 
small  pieces  of  artillery.  At  need  also,  on  the  terre-plein 
of  the  work  of  the  gorge  may  be  mounted  guns  of  long 
range,  affording  an  indirect  fire  in  the  circumference  of  a 
semi-circle,  over  the  great  traverse  H,  if  the  parapets  of  the 
faces  are  damaged  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy. 

Fausse-braies  consisting  of  palings  are  fixed  in  the  ditch 
at  ten  feet  from  the  base  of  the  escarp,  to  hinder  the  fallen 
débris  of  the  escarp  from  filling  up  the  ditch,  and  to  enable 
its  passage  to  be  defended.  The  well-covered  internal 
masonry  works  prevent  the  accumulation  of  earth  on  the 
interior  platforms,  and  afford  casemates,  which  enable  the 
garrison  to  take  rest  in  perfect  security  ; at  any  rate  along 
the  two  faces  and  the  great  traverse.  Blindages  can  be  set 
up  on  the  traverses  of  the  batteries,  and  can  be  easily 
repaired  every  night,  as  well  as  the  escarp  of  tipped  earth. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  say  how  many  projectiles  it 
would  require  to  render  such  a work  untenable  ; since  we 
have  seen  in  the  siege  of  Paris,  that  a marine  battery 


374 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


erected  on  tipped  earth  on  the  military  road  between  the 
forts  of  Rosny  and  de  Noisy,  armed  with  three  guns,  had 
been  a mark  for  the  German  shells  during  twenty-four 
days,  without  any  of  its  guns  having  been  dismounted,  or 
its  escarp  suffering  more  than  could  be  made  good  each 
nDht. 

Permanent  works  should,  however,  only  be  estab- 
lished with  the  utmost  circumspection: — I,  Because  they 
require  a very  considerable  outlay.  2.  Because  they  are 
necessarily  familiar  to,  and  for  a long  while  studied  by 
the  enemy,  who  takes  his  measures  accordingly. 

The  important  point  is  to  possess  an  accurate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  ground  to  be  defended,  and  only  to  establish 
permanent  works  in  second  line,  and  on  points  incontesta- 
bly favourable  for  defence,  supposing  an  artillery  of  even 
a still  longer  range  than  the  present. 

Every  centre  to  be  defended  should  therefore  possess 
works  sufficient  to  prevent  a surprise  ; and  in  addition  at  a 
distance  of  six  to  eight  thousand  yards,  a line  of  forts, 
crossing  their  fires  if  possible,  or  at  any  rate  connected 
by  strong  batteries  ; and  lastly,  at  a distance  of  about 
four  thousand  yards,  positions  previously  examined  and 
known,  suitable  for  placing  very  simple  works  of  field 
fortification,  but  which  at  a given  moment  may  offief  a 
resistance  sufficient  to  permit  movements  on  a grand  scale 
• — and  delay  the  formation  of  an  enemy's  batteries. 

In  applying  these  principles  to  the  defence  of  the  town 
of  La  Roche-Pont,  whose  strategical  position  is  one  of  major 
importance,  since  it  connects  Besançon  with  Dijon,  and 
forms  a salient  on  the  flanks  of  an  army  which  manoeuvres 
from  Epinal  and  from  Vesoul  upon  Langres  and  Chau- 
mont, it  would  be  necessary  to  construct  around  this 
place,  whose  old  fortifications  are  no  longer  of  any  value 
(Fig.  85)  eight  forts,  A,  on  the  brows  of  the  plateaus  which 


Fig.  85. — Defensive  System  of  the  Great  Intrenched  Camp. 


376 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


surround  the  town,  and  thirteen  batteries  or  redoubts,  B, 
a little  behind  or  to  command  the  meeting  of  the  rivei 
Abonne  with  the  Saône  and  enfilade  the  valleys.  Thus 
the  group  of  roads  which  from  the  point  C lead  to  Langres 
and  Champlitte,  from  D to  Dijon  and  Beaune,  from 
E to  Besançon  and  Dole,  from  F to  Gray  and  from  G to 
Saint-Jean-de-Losne,  would  be  occupied.  A tête  du  pout 
H,  protected  by  batteries  which  would  dominate  the 
Saône,  would  enable  an  army  to  manœuvre  on  both 
banks. 

This  passive  defence  would  occupy  a perimeter  of  forty 
miles,  and  the  zone  of  action  of  the  permanent  works, 
a perimeter  of  sixty  miles. 

The  purely  passive  defence  would  require,  for  the  eight 
forts,  four  thousand  eight  hundred  men  ; for  the  thirteen 
batteries  two  thousand  men  ; for  the  guard  of  the  inter- 
mediary trenches  and  the  service  of  the  enceinte  de  pré- 
servation,, not  including  the  forts  and  batteries,  eighteen 
thousand  men  ; reserve  in  the  fortress,  two  thousand  five 
hundred  men  ; total,  twenty-seven  thousand  three  hundred 
men,  whilst  the  effective  investment  would  require  an 
army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men.  But  if  this  great 
intrenched  camp  contained  an  army  of  a hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men  in  addition  to  the  troops  necessary  for 
the  passive  defence,  this  army  could  besides,  on  a very 
extended  perimeter  or  on  some  advantageous  points,  oc- 
cupy within  the  zone  of  action  of  the  forts,  an  enceinte  de 
combat  defended  by  field  works,  which  would  enable  it 
to  assume  the  offensive  at  the  opportune  moment. 

The  armament  of  the  forts  would  consist  of  a hundred 
and  sixty  guns  of  large  calibre,  and  that  of  the  batteries 
of  forty-five  guns  of  long  range.  With  the  reserve  park 
this  would  give  a total  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  pieces 
of  ordnance. 


CONCLUSION. 


377 


Harnessed  guns  would  be  also  necessary  to  support  the 
trenches  of  the  passive  defence. 


Each  fort  would  cost  about  ^48, 900.  The  eight  together  . . ^391,200 

Each  battery  or  redoubt  would  cost  about  ^6,000.  The  thirteen 


together 78,000 

Total £469, 20° 


To  make  head  against  an  invasion  at  all  points  at  once 
has  always  been  a difficult  problem  to  solve  ; and  it  is  still 
more  so  if  we  confine  ourselves  to  the  defensive,  for  the 
enemy  starts  from  a base  of  operation  with  a view  to 
concentrating  himself  upon  a point  unknown  to  the  de- 
fenders. The  latter  has  therefore  only  a line  to  oppose 
to  the  apex  of  a triangle  of  action.  He  must  limit  him- 
self to  preserving  the  heart  of  iue  country  and  certain 
districts  that  are  already  naturally  protected,  and  which 
allow  him  to  operate  on  the  flanks  of  the  invading  forces  ; 
regions  behind  which  lie  extensive  tracts  of  country  from 
which  supplies  may  be  drawn. 

Let  us  suppose  that  on  the  zone  of  defence  of  which  La 
Roche-Pont  forms  the  centre,  an  army  of  a hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men  were  assembled,  which  was  able  to 
reach  Belfort  through  Besançon  or  by  the  road  from 
Vesoul  to  Langres  through  Gray  or  Châtillon-sur-Seine 
through  Dijon,  these  towns  of  Besançon,  Vesoul,  Langres, 
and  Dijon  being  themselves  in  a condition  to  arrest  the 
enemy’s  advance  : the  latter  in  attempting  to  make  his 
way  to  Paris  would  be  obliged  either  to  watch  this  zone 
with  an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  or  to  move, 
and  that  with  extreme  caution,  along  the  Lunéville  and 
Nancy  routes. 

If  a defensive  zone  of  the  same  importance  is  disposed 
on  the  north,  a point  becomes  very  dangerous,  especially  if 


378 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


the  capital  is  provided  with  an  enceinte  de  préservation , and 
an  enceinte  de  combat  allowing  an  army  to  manœuvre. 

Three  hundred  thous  md  men  therefore  would  be  re- 
quired to  watch  the  defensive  zone  of  Burgundy  and  the 
same  number  that  of  the  north,  and  four  hundred  thousand 
men  to  invest  Paris  ; total,  one  million,  without  reckoning 
the  troops  required  for  keeping  open  the  communication 
between  the  three  armies  and  guarding  the  base  of 
operations. 

It  follows  that  the  slightest  check  might  entail  a serious 
disaster. 

As  the  army  of  Metz  under  the  ramparts  of  the  town 
was  not  able  to  manœuvre,  the  two  hundred  thousand  men 
employed  in  blockading  it  were  rendered  inactive  for  two 
months. 

If  the  French  army  had  been  able  to  move  within  a 
perimeter  of  60  miles,  with  a good  supply  of  provisions,  it 
would  have  reduced  three  hundred  thousand  men  to  in- 
action ; since  the  Germans,  who  leave  nothing  to  chance, 
reckon — and  not  unreasonably — that  on  the  field  it  is 
desirable  to  be  at  least  two  to  one.  It  would  seem  then 
that  the  art  of  war  now-a-days — as  far  as  resistance  to  an 
invader  is  concerned — consists  not  in  endeavouring  to 
defend  any  extensive  lines  which  may  be  taken  or  out- 
flanked, but  in  establishing  a small  number  of  centres  of 
defence,  sufficiently  remote  from  each  other  and  connected 
by  a system  of  railways  in  the  rear  ; which  are  capable  of 
holding  out  long,  and  which  compel  the  enemy  either  to 
divide  in  order  to  watch  them  or  to  take  them,  or  to  expose 
his  flanks  to  an  attack  if  he  leaves  them  alone,  or  to  see 
himself  cut  off  from  his  base  of  operations  if  he  advances 
en  masse  against  one  of  them  without  covering  himself 
against  the  others 

But  we  must  confess  to  a limited  confidence  in  fortifica- 


CONCLUSION. 


379 


tions  on  this  immense  scale.  It  is  certain  that  they  are 
ruinous  : it  is  not  certain  that  they  are  effective  in  propor- 
tion to  the  enormous  expense  they  occasion. 

The  men-at-arms  of  the  fifteenth  century  cased  them- 
selves and  their  horses  in  iron  to  resist  cross-bow  bolts, 
lance-thrusts,  and  strokes  of  axe  or  sword.  Fire  artillery, 
which  at  first  aimed  at  nothing  more  than  substituting 
powder  for  the  mechanism  of  engines  worked  by  counter- 
poise or  ropes,  and  like  these  discharged  only  stone  balls, 
becomes  improved  and  uses  iron  balls  and  leaden  bullets  ; 
and  instead  of  being  ponderous  and  fixed  as  formerly, 
moves  on  wheels  and  is  rendered  easily  manageable,  and 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  places  pistols 
and  arquebusses  in  the  hands  of  foot-soldiers  and  horse- 
men. What  plan  do  the  men-at-arms  adopt  ? They 
thicken  the  plates  of  their  armour  and  line  them  so 
thoroughly  that  they  are  no  longer  fit  for  a charge.  This 
method  lasts  about  fifty  years,  until  it  is  perceived  that  the 
best  way  to  enable  cavalry  to  face  artillery,  so  as  not  to  be 
crushed  by  it,  is  to  allow  it  to  move  rapidly. 

Cannon  are  made  whose  balls  pierce  through  and 
through  the  wooden  planks  of  a vessel.  Immediately 
these  planks  are  cased  with  iron.  To-day’s  balls  are  re- 
sisted by  the  vessel’s  sides.  The  plates  of  iron  are  doubled 
. . . . and  forthwith  the  penetrating  force  of  the  projectiles 
is  increased  ; but  those  of  the  next  day  pierce  them.  Steel 
is  made  to  take  the  place  of  iron  : but  after  thousands 
upon  thousands  have  been  spent  the  projectile  has  always 
the  best  of  it.  But  it  happens  in  a naval  engagement  that 
an  Admiral  steams  at  full  speed  right  athwart  an  enemy’s 
ship  and  sinks  it  ! In  fact  it  is  by  rapidity  of  movement 
and  facility  in  manoeuvring  that  victories  at  sea  are 
ensured  much  more  than  by  increased  protective  plating. 

And  in  the  art  of  fortification  we  are  exactly  at  the 


380 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS. 


same  point  as  were  the  men-at-arms  of  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  who  heaped  plates  on  plates  to  protect 
themselves  from  artillery.  It  is  time  the  art  of  fortification 
should  be  modified. 

It  will  be  objected  that  a vessel  or  a horseman  can  move 
about,  but  that  a fortress  is  immovable,  and  that  conse- 
quently passive  force  cannot  here  be  replaced  by  active 
force  or  agility.  This  is  a mistake.  Though  a fortress 
cannot  be  moved,  the  defensive  system  of  a district  can 
and  ought  to  be  studied,  in  view  of  various  contingencies. 
In  future  warfare  the  plan  of  temporary  fortification  ought 
to  play  a principal  part  and  may  be  made  to  do  so.  In 
other  terms,  an  army  ought  to  be  able  to  fortify  itself 
everywhere,  and  take  advantage  of  every  position.  It  is 
temporary  fortification  therefore  which  it  is  desirable  to 
render  easy,  prompt,  and  efficacious,  in  crder  to  defeat  the 
combinations  studied  beforehand  by  the  enemy,  to  re- 
duce him  in  certain  cases  to  the  defensive,  when  he  was 
hoping  to  attack,  and  to  embarrass  his  movements  on  the 
great  scale  by  unforeseen  resistance  at  a point  which  he 
expected  to  pass  with  ease,  and  oblige  him  incessantly  to 
modify  his  plans  by  rapidly  executed  arrangements  for 
defence. 

Vauban’s  fortresses  have  had  their  day  ; who  can  con- 
jecture what  may  be  accomplished  in  a future  war  by  the 
system  of  defence  of  which  an  example  has  just  been 
presented  ? 

Still  the  most  reliable  fortress  for  a country  is  a good 
and  well-commanded  army,  and  a well-educated,  brave, 
and  intelligent  population,  resolved  to  make  every  sacrifice 
rather  than  undergo  the  humiliation  of  a foreign  occu- 
pation. 

Captain  Jean’s  papers  contained  many  other  critical 
remarks  which  cannot  be  recorded  here.  These  docu- 


CONCLUSION. 


38i 

ments  sufficiently  indicate  that,  whatever  may  have  been 
said  about  the  matter,  there  were  among  our  officers  some 
who  worked,  and  many  who  had  anticipated  the  dangers  to 
which  we  were  exposed  by  a blind  confidence  in  our  valoui 
and  an  utter  ignorance  of  the  progress  made  by  our 
enemies.  Indeed  among  these  papers  of  Captain  Jean’s, 
numerous  notes,  dated  1866,  1867,  1868,  show  the  in- 
efficiency of  the  defensive  system  then  recognised  in 
France,  and  the  necessity  of  providing  our  strong  places 
with  works  adapted  to  the  recent  progress  in  artillery 

Will  the  town  of  La  Roche-Pont  witness  the  realisation 
of  Captain  Jean’s  projects,  or  is  its  military  history  closed 
for  ever  ? The  future  will  show. 

In  the  meantime  it  is  engaged  in  cultivating  its  vine- 
yards, and  its  suburbs  are  invading  once  more  the  slopes 
of  the  plateau  on  the  south  and  the  west.  The  lower  part 
of  its  donjon  of  the  12th  century  is  still  visible  above  the 
escarpment  of  the  little  citadel,  and  antiquaries  can  dis- 
cover Roman  basements  at  some  points  in  its  wall.  When 
cellars  are  excavated,  Gallo-Roman  coins  are  sometimes 
found  with  broken  pieces  of  red  and  black  pottery,  charred 
wood,  and  even  flint  hatchets. 

These  evidences  of  the  antiquity  of  the  cité  are  de- 
posited in  a small  museum  which  also  contains  sculptures 
taken  from  the  abbey  and  the  castle. 

If  you  go  to  La  Roche-Pont,  ascend  the  ruins  of  the 
donjon.  From  this  elevated  point  the  view  on  a clear 
spring  morning  is  very  fine  ; towards  the  south  it  extends 
as  far  as  the  Saône,  showing  the  little  river  Abonne, 
winding  along  the  vale  through  meadows  and  orchards* 
On  the  north  spreads  the  plateau  covered  with  clumps  of 
trees,  and  bounded  only  by  the  blue  outlines  of  the  hills 
of  the  Haute-Marne.  At  your  feet  the  town  with  its  ram- 
parts looks  like  a vessel  moored  at  the  extremity  of  a pro- 


332 


ANNALS  OF  A FORTRESS . 


montory.  We  are  reminded  then  of  all  the  events  which 
this  little  nook  of  ground  has  witnessed,  of  the  ruins  that 
have  been  accumulated  by  human  passion,  and  the  blood 
that  has  been  so  lavishly  shed.  We  fancy  we  hear  the 
shouts  with  which  these  walls  have  so  often  echoed. 

Nature  however  remains  the  same  ; the  meadows  con- 
tinue to  be  enamelled  with  flowers,  and  clothe  with  a 
mantle  of  beauty  the  ruins  that  have  been  heaped  up  by 
the  fury  of  men.  A feeling  of  deep  sadness  comes  over 
us,  and  we  say  to  ourselves  : “ What  use  is  it  all  ? ” 
“What  use  !”  replies  at  once  a voice  in  the  depth  of  our 
our  soul.  “What  is  the  use  of  independence?  What 
good  is  the  love  of  our  country  ? What  use  is  the  memory 
of  self-sacrifice?”  Do  not  blaspheme,  Egoistic  Philosophy  ; 
be  silent  before  centuries  of  struggle — before  that  layer 
upon  layer  of  the  bones  of  the  dead,  and  those  heaps  of 
successive  ruins  which  have  formed  our  country’s  soil. 
Though  often  ravaged,  this  hill  has  never  been  abandoned 
by  its  inhabitants  ; the  more  affronts  it  has  had  to  sustain, 
the  more  its  children  have  become  attached  to  its  side,  the 
more  they  hold  to  the  soil  that  has  been  impregnated  with 
the  blood  of  their  ancestors,  and  the  more  hatred  they  feel 
towards  those  who  would  attempt  to  detach  them  from 
this  ancestral  tomb.  This  is  patriotism  ; and  it  is  the 
only  human  passion  that  can  be  dignified  with  the  title  of 
holy.  War  makes  nations,  and  war  raises  them  again 
when  they  sink  down  under  the  influence  of  material  in- 
terests. War  is  struggle,  and  we  find  struggle  everywhere 
in  nature  ; it  secures  greatness  and  duration  to  the  best 
educated,  the  most  capable,  the  noblest,  the  most  worthy 
to  survive.  And  in  the  present  day  more  than  ever,  suc- 
cess in  war  is  the  result  of  intelligence  and  of  that  which 
develops  intelligence — Work. 

Whenever  what  is  called  fraternity  between  nations  shall 


CONCLUSION.  383 

become  a reality,  the  reign  of  senile  barbarism  and  of 
shameful  decay  will  not  be  far  distant. 

Before  this  rock  on  which  so  many  generations  have 
fought  to  defend  their  independence,  to  resist  aggression 
and  to  keep  the  rapacious  foreigner  at  a distance,  it  is  not 
an  expression  of  regret  that  is  called  for — it  is  rather  of 
homage  to  the  dead  which  hearts  full  of  gratitude  cannot 
withhold.  They  do 'not  ask  for  tears  but  for  imitation. 


EXPLANATION 


OF  SOME  OF  THE  TECHNICAL  TERMS  USED’ 
IN  THIS  BOOK. 


Agger  (Latin),  terrace,  or  platform,  which  the  Romans  raised 
before  the  fronts  attacked,  for  the  purpose  of  setting  up  their  pro- 
jectile machines,  securing  a commanding  position,  and  masking 
the  troops  assembled  for  an  assault. 

Bailey,  forecourt  ; court  of  the  outer  works,  or  yard.  The 
stables  and  the  lodgings  for  the  garrison  were  usually  disposed  in 
the  bailey  of  the  strong  castles  of  the  Middle  Ages  (see  p 169). 

Baljsta  (Latin,  onager ),  an  engine  for  propelling  stones,  worked 
by  means  of  strongly- twisted  cords. 

Barbican,  exterior  defence  protecting  an  entrance,  and  allow- 
ing a large  assemblage  of  men  to  prepare  for  sorties,  or  to  protect 
a retreat.  Barbicans  were  either  of  masonry  or  earth,  or  con- 
structed of  a simple  palisade.  They  were  always  of  a circular 
form  (see  p.  169). 

Bastion,  an  earthwork,  cased  externally  with  masonry,  salient 
beyond  the  main  body  of  the  fortress,  and  possessing  two  faces, 
two  flanks,  and  a gorge,  so  as  to  sweep  the  ground  without,  to 
cross  the  fires,  and  to  flank  the  curtains.  The  gorge  of  bastions 
is  open,  closed,  or  retrenched.  Bastions  are  said  to  be  full  when 
their  terre-plein  is  level  with  the  curtains  ; empty,  when  their  terre- 
plehi  is  beneath  that  level  ; armed  with  a cavalier,  when  upon  their 
terre-plei?i  is  raised  a battery  of  earth  which  commands  the  country 
without  over  the  parapets  (see  p.  278,  31  o'). 


C C 


386 


TECHNICAL  TERMS . 


Boulevard,  an  earthwork — in  use  at  the  time  when  fire  artil- 
lery had  attained  a certain  degree  of  importance — for  placing 
cannon  outside  ancient  defences  still  preserved.  Boulevards  were 
of  all  forms — square,  circular,  and  triangular  (see  p.  229). 

Braie,  an  exterior  defence  of  trifling  height,  protecting  the  foot 
of  the  ramparts,  and  hindering  the  enemy’s  approach. 

Bretèche,  timber  construction  intended  to  strengthen  and  to 
flank  a front  or  a salient  (see  p.  184). 

Cat,  timber  gallery,  low  and  long,  covered  with  a longitudinal 
very  pointed  and  strongly  ironed  roof.  Placed  on  wheels,  these 
galleries  were  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the  walls,  after  the  ditch 
was  filled  up,  and  enabled  the  miners  to  begin  working  into  the 
masonry  under  cover.  The  name  rat  was  given  to  these  galleries 
in  some  provinces. 

Catapult,  engine  for  shooting  large  darts  by  means  of  a 
powerful  bow. 

Cavalier,  earthwork  raised  in  the  middle  of  a bastion,  or  upon 
any  point  of  the  defence,  to  command  the  exterior.  In  the  six- 
teenth century  the  besieging  armies  erected  cavaliers  around 
defences  to  mount  cannon  upon  them.  Our  siege  batteries  are 
the  modem  analogues  of  these  works  (see  p.  237,  312). 

Chemise,  exterior  inclosure  of  a donjon  ; the  chemise  of  the 
donjon  consists  of  a wall  which  leaves  a space  of  some  yards 
between  it  and  the  donjon.  A postern  with  a drawbridge  gives 
a communication  between  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  donjon  and 
the  rampart  walk  of  the  chemise  (see  p.  201). 

Clavicula  (Latin),  exterior  defence,  raised  outside  the  gates  of 
a camp,  and  which  obliged  those  who  endeavoured  to  enter  to 
present  their  flank  to  the  defenders  of  the  ramparts  (see  p.  92). 

Covered  Way,  road  fomied  on  the  counterscarp  and  protected 
by  the  relief  of  the  glacis  (see  p.  307). 

Counterscarp,  is  the  casing  of  the  ditch  which  is  opposite  to 
the  defence. 

Demi-lunl,  low  work,  disposed  before  a curtain  between  two 
bastions,  separated  from  the  main  body  of  the  fortress  by  a ditch, 
and  possessing  two  faces  and  two  short  flanks  (see  p.  306  . 


TECHNICAL  TERMS. 


387 


Donjon  or  Keep,  chief  retreat  of  the  defenders  of  a strong  castle. 
The  donjon  was  always  separated  from  the  defences  of  the  castle, 
and  put  in  direct  communication  with  the  exterior  (see  p.  169). 

Escarp  is  that  part  of  a revetment  of  fortifications  which  fronts 
the  exterior,  from  the  bottom  of  the  ditch  to  the  parapet  or 
crenelation. 

Fausse- Braie,  palisade  or  trench,  with  parapet,  defending  the 
bottom  of  the  ditch,  low  enough  to  be  masked  by  the  relief  of 
the  counterscarp. 

Glacis,  sloping  ground  which  extends  from  the  counterscarp 
of  the  ditch  towards  the  country,  and  masks  the  covered  ways  as 
well  as  the  escarp. 

Hoarding,  wooden  gallery  which  in  time  of  war  was  put  out- 
side crenelations  to  enable  the  defenders  to  see  the  foot  of  the 
ramparts  and  towers,  and  to  throw  stones  and  materials  of  all 
kinds  upon  assailants  attempting  to  approach. 

List,  interval  left  between  the  exterior  defences  and  those  of 
the  body  of  the  place  (see  p.  180). 

Machicoulis — The  wooden  hoarding  being  easily  set  on  fire,  it 
was  replaced  in  France,  about  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
by  stone  corbels  carrying  a crenelation  of  masonry,  and  leaving 
intervals  between  them  for  throwing  materials  upon  the  assailants 
who  approached  the  foot  of  the  walls.  In  Syria,  the  Christians 
had  adopted  the  machicoulis  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century. 

. Mangonel,  engine  for  propelling  large  stones  from  a kind  of 
sling  attached  to  the  longer  arm  of  a movable  beam  heavily 
weighted  at  us  other  extremity. 

Merlon,  solid  space  in  the  parapet  between  two  embrasures. 
During  the  Middle  Ages  the  merlons  were  usually  perforated  in 
the  middle  by  a loop-hole.  In  time  of  war  the  battlements  were 
masked  by  mantelets  of  wood,  which  could  be  raised  at  discretion 
by  means  of  an  axle  turning  in  two  iron  collars  let  into  the  upper 
angles  of  the  merlons. 

Movable  Tower,  timber  tower  which  was  mounted  on  rollers 
and  was  advanced  to  the  walls  for  the  purpose  of  assault.  The 


388 


TECHNICAL  TERMS. 


movable  towers  were  made  to  command  the  battlements,  and 
the  upper  story  was  furnished  with  a bridge  which  fell  upon  the 
crest  of  the  ramparts  of  the  towers  (see  p.  218). 

Oiseau,  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  a small  masonry 
work  which,  disposed  at  the  salient  angles  in  the  ditch,  swept  the 
latter  and  was  intended  to  bar  the  passage.  The  oiseaux  were 
masked  by  the  counterscarp.  In  modern  polygonal  fortifications 
this  plan  has  been  re-adopted  (see  p.  373). 

Oppidum  (Latin),  a citadel  or  fortified  strategical  position, 
among  the  Gallic  populations.  Many  Roman  camps  were  formed 
at  the  epoch  of  the  conquest  of  Gaul,  on  the  Gallic  oppida,  which 
were  only  a kind  of  intrenched  camps  formed  upon  elevated 
plateaux.  Several  of  our  French  towns  occupy  the  sites  of 
ancient  oppida — Langres,  Laon,  Béziers,  Carcassone,  Uzerche, 
Sainte-Reine  (Alesia),  Le  Puy-en-Velay,  Semur-en-Auxois,  Avalon, 
Puy  dTssolu,  &c. 

Orillon,  projecting  part  of  faces  of  bastions,  intended  to 
mask  the  flanks  and  to  shield  the  guns  which  arm  these  flanks 
(see  p.  280). 

Parados,  mound  of  earth  disposed  behind  the  guqs  in  battery, 
to  shelter  them  as  well  as  the  servers  from  reverse  firing. 

Parallel,  trench  parallel  to  the  sides  of  the  polygon  of  a 
fortress,  supplying  a covered  communication  for  planting  and 
serving  the  siege  batteries.  Formerly  these  parallels  were  re- 
quired for  approaching  and  planting  the  breach  batteries.  These 
parallels  communicated  with  each  other  by  trench  boyaux  traced 
in  zig-zags,  so  as  not  to  be  raked  by  the  fires  of  the  place 
(see  p.  330). 

Pareclat,  epaulment  of  earth,  or  formed  with  gabions  raised 
on  the  ramparts,  or  in  the  middle  of  bastions,  to  shelter  the 
defenders  from  the  splinters  of  bombs  and  shells. 

Place  d’Armes,  space  defended  by  an  epaulment,  intended 
to  enclose  a body  of  men  and  to  protect  it  from  projectiles 
(see  pp.  288,  307). 

Postern,  secondary  gate,  small  gate,  generally  masked  (see 
p.  170). 


TECHNICAL  TERMS. 


389 


Rampart,  epaulment  raised  with  the  earth  taken  from  the 
ditch  sunk  on  the  outer  side  ; also  a wall  crowned  with  a parapet 
and  rampart  walk.  It  signifies  a permanent  defence. 

Ravelin,  name  originally  given  to  demi-lunes.  A work  con- 
sisting of  two  faces,  open  at  the  gorge,  low,  and  intended  to 
sweep  the  exterior  between  two  bastions  (see  p.  279). 

Redan,  work  presenting  a salient  angle  and  a re-entering  angle 
(see  p.  305). 

Retrenchment,  a work  made  to  augment  the  defensive  strength 
of  a place  within  the  permanent  fortifications,  so  as  to  present  a 
fresh  obstacle  should  the  latter  fall  into  the  power  of  the  enemy  ; 
the  retrenchment  consists  of  an  epaulment  of  earth  raised  with 
the  material  from  the  ditch  sunk  on  the  outside. 

Stimulus  (Latin),  barbed  iron  crook,  which,  fixed  on  a short 
stake  stuck  in  the  ground  or  in  the  bottom  of  conical  holes,  pro- 
tected the  approaches  of  a defence  (see  p.  80). 

Tenaille,  work  consisting  of  a curtain  having  at  each  extremity 
two  demi-bastions  (see  pp.  278,  306V 

Traverse,  a mound  of  earth  disposed  across  covered  ways, 
terre- pleins,  bastions,  and  curtains,  to  shield  the  guns  and  the 
defenders  against  enfilade,  oblique,  or  ricochet  fire  (see  p.  335). 

Trebuchet,  engine  for  propelling  large  stones,  very  similar  to 
the  mangonel,  but  whose  counterpoise  was  suspended  from  the 
beam  instead  of  being  fixed  to  it. 

Trench,  road  sunk  in  the  ground,  the  earth  being  thrown  up 
on  one  side  only,  or  on  both  sides,  for  enabling  the  approach  of 
places  under  cover. 

Trench-shelter,  temporary  defence,  consisting  of  an  exterior 
epaulment  made  with  the  earth  taken  from  a trench,  in  a way  to 
shield  the  soldiers  upon  a front,  around  a camp  or  a post,  and 
enable  them  to  fire  under  cover.  The  trench-shelter  is  destined 
to  play  an  important  part  since  fire-arms  have  acquired  a long 
range  and  a rapid  discharge.  The  Romans,  in  their  day,  made 
use  of  trench-shelters  in  the  field. 


390 


TECHNICAL  TERMS. 


Vinea  (Latin),  a wooden  mantlet,  also  a timber  gallery,  set  up 
perpendicularly  to  the  agger , and  which  affords  approach  to  the 
platform  under  cover.  The  wooden  towers  intended  to  attack 
the  ramparts  of  the  besieged  were  rolled  forward  on  these  wooden 
galleries  (see  p.  83). 


